Center for American Progress

5 Reasons To Pay Attention to Local School Board Elections
Report
In this article
School board members are seen at a dais below framed pictures on the wall with audience members' heads in the foreground.
A school board member speaks during a meeting on August 14, 2023, in Virginia. (Getty/Julia Nikhinson/The Washington Post)

Introduction and summary

If you cannot name a member of your local school board, you are not alone. Even though school board members are the nation’s largest group of elected officials,1 their role in shaping education remains opaque for many parents, educators, and voters.2

More than 82,000 school board members in the United States3 make important decisions about school districts’ budgets, curriculum, and leadership every day. Yet school board elections are plagued by low voter turnout,4 sometimes as low as 5 to 10 percent.5 Uncontested seats and vacancies are also common:6 A Ballotpedia study of more than 5,400 school board elections in 2023 found that about 53 percent of school board seats were uncontested.7

It is time to do better. This report lays out five reasons why every voter should participate in their local school board elections8 and discusses how policy can encourage inclusive elections and form school boards that truly reflect and serve their communities.

Read a summary

1. Every vote is incredibly powerful in local elections such as school board elections

While it is easy to get swept up in the fervor of presidential elections every four years, local elections, such as school board elections, also deserve attention. School board members make important decisions that affect students, parents, and the broader community each day.

Although some school board members are appointed, “over 97 [percent] of local school board members are elected.”9 In fact, the largest group of elected officials in the country are school board members.10

Despite this, voter turnout in school board elections is extremely low, often only 5 to 10 percent.11 For example, in Delaware in 2023, no school board district election had voter turnout greater than 10 percent, and most school district elections in the state recorded voter turnout well below 5 percent.12

The fact that voter turnout is low and that school board election districts are smaller in size than state or federal elections means that each vote cast is incredibly powerful, as they are often decided by small margins. For example, the Center for American Progress analyzed results for school board elections in the commonwealth of Virginia in 2023. Of the 404 seats up for election, more than one-third were decided by fewer than 500 votes13 and more than 80 percent were decided by fewer than 2,000 votes.14

Critical decisions affecting communities are being made daily at the local level. The individuals who vote in these elections are helping shape those decisions.

2. School boards make important decisions about public schools

School board members oversee the educational resources of more than 50 million public school students.15 Typically, school boards are responsible for selecting district leadership and overseeing their performance; budgets and funding allocations; which schools children will attend based on their address, also known as attendance zone boundaries and feeder patterns; as well as important policy decisions about curriculum, instruction, and course offerings.16 When electing school board members, communities should consider who is qualified to make these decisions and has the appropriate expertise, including expertise derived from lived experience of racial and educational inequities, to make such influential decisions.

Research into the impact of school boundaries has demonstrated time and again that boundaries are too often set up in ways that exacerbate racial inequity, excluding low-income students and students of color from high-performing public schools17 and maintaining and enforcing school segregation by race—even though doing so is ostensibly against the law.18 As a result, the nation’s schools have become increasingly more segregated over the past 30 years, despite the landmark 1954 Brown v. Board of Education U.S. Supreme Court case. The proportion of schools that are intensely segregated has nearly tripled, and there has been an increase in double segregation by both race and poverty.19

When schools are segregated, low-income students and students of color tend to get fewer resources. They are taught by the least experienced and least educated teachers, and they have less challenging curriculum offerings and fewer opportunities for advanced coursework.20 In part due to this type of chronic disinvestment, whether a student comes from a low-income family matters less for their educational outcomes than whether they attend a school with a high concentration of students from low-income families.21 Often lost in this discussion is the fact that white and affluent children also benefit from racially and socioeconomically integrated schools, which make them more comfortable working and learning across lines of difference and more likely to make the cross-race friendships that are associated with positive views of other racial groups through adulthood; there may even be a benefit to their leadership abilities, empathy, and problem-solving skills.22

School board members, in their role as approvers of attendance zone boundaries, have a lot of power to reverse the current trend of school resegregation. But to do so, districts need school board members who put equity at the center of their decision-making and deeply understand the harms of school segregation. This may not be easy, as affluent white parents often push back against redrawing of school boundaries that privilege their children.23

School boards also serve as the approvers of annual district budgets. As approvers, school boards are given the responsibility of deciding which programs should be funded and at what level. These budget decisions ultimately decide how many staff members can be hired and retained, which after-school and extracurricular programs are funded, and even which curricula and course offerings are available to which students.24 When school board members lack skills and expertise in budgeting and are unaware of the impacts these cuts can have, they are at risk of making decisions that greatly affect local schools—especially amid current widespread budget cuts as pandemic relief dollars expire.25

In addition to decisions about funding and attendance zone boundaries, school boards often have the authority to approve curricula, usually after district leaders make a recommendation. While school boards should not be the primary party making curriculum decisions—something that is typically done by the superintendent and district office, ideally in consultation with educators—it is important to have school board members who have the appropriate expertise in how to choose high-quality, inclusive curricular materials and can provide meaningful input on the curriculum adoption process, purchase, and implementation, including any related professional development.26

A school board’s authority to hire district or school leadership can mean the difference between strong, equity-focused leadership with deep expertise in instructional quality for all students and a superintendent who is complacent about the status quo or even actively undermines equity. Conversely, a school board backed by special interest groups may decide to terminate a superintendent even when that superintendent has community support, as happened in a recent case in South Carolina.27 It is important to have school board members who reflect the community, including the breadth of perspectives within it, so that the will of a small minority does not negatively affect the education of students across the district.

The relationship between local school boards and charter schools

Voters with children attending charter schools—tuition-free schools of choice that are publicly funded but independently run and exempt from many of the state laws and regulations that govern traditional public schools28—should understand that local school board elections can affect charter schools as well. While local school boards do not have a say in state-level school choice programs, in many states they can hold some power over charter schools.29

In a majority of states, local school boards can authorize charter schools within their district boundaries.30 Authorizers are the entities that have the power to grant or deny charter applications, monitor their performance and ensure they are compliant with state laws, and terminate or not renew a charter school.31 In some states, school boards even have the authority to control charter school budgets.32 While operating decisions regarding curriculum, hiring, and other school policies are typically decided by individual charter schools,33 whether or not they are open and able to operate within a district can be the decision of a local school board.

3. Representation matters, but school boards do not look like the communities they serve

The average school board member is male, white, and high income with no children in school.34 While school board members’ intentions are noble—in a survey from the National School Boards Association, the most common response for why members initially ran for school board was “to ensure that our children’s schools are the best they can be”35—they are not at all representative of the diverse students and communities that are part of the nation’s more than 13,000 public school districts.36

Demographics of the average school board member

52%

male

78%

white

49%

with household incomes of more than $100,000

68%

with no children in school

Public school students are racially and ethnically diverse. Fifty-six percent of public school students are nonwhite, with 29 percent of students identifying as Hispanic and 15 percent identifying as Black, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.37 By contrast, not only are school boards disproportionately white, male, high-income, and comprised of older adults, but slightly less than one-third of school board members report that their occupation is education related.38 Taken together, this means that many school boards are composed of people who are not representative of the community they serve, do not have children attending school in the district they represent, and do not have professional expertise in education. However, they are making decisions that affect students and educators every day.

Representation on school boards and in policymaking matters. Research indicates that even just one member of a population of color on a school board can lead to increased investments in schools with large nonwhite student populations, as well as increases in nonwhite student academic performance—at no expense to white students’ performance.39

One of the reasons school boards do not better reflect their communities is low voter turnout and disparities in voter turnout in local elections. Even compared with other local elections, school board elections have very low turnout.40 And when voter turnout is lower, gaps in voter participation also tend to widen. For example, gaps in voter turnout by race, income, age, and more tend to be more pronounced in local elections than in presidential contests.41

As a result of discrimination, gerrymandering, and systemic disenfranchisement,42 there have long been gaps in voter turnout by race, and unfortunately recent research finds that these gaps are expanding.43 In the 2022 midterm elections, Black voter turnout was 16 percentage points lower than white voter turnout, and Latino voter turnout was nearly 22 percentage points lower than white voter turnout.44 Similarly, residents over the age of 65 who are also homeowners are a disproportionate share of voters in local elections, especially if those elections are held in “off-cycle” years—a year with no presidential election.45

Since school board members are disproportionately elected by older, white, affluent voters, they are likely to overweight this group’s policy preferences, both because they frequently share the voters’ identity46 and because the voters are an important constituency for the members’ reelection. Conversely, the voices of many Black, Latino, younger, and lower-income voters and community members are not heard in school board elections and subsequent policymaking as long as they are less likely to vote in school board elections. Increasing voter turnout can help ensure these groups are better represented and in turn, help students of all backgrounds have access to high-quality education. Indeed, research shows that school board elections with higher voter turnout are associated with higher academic performance for students in the district compared to those with lower voter turnout.47

School board elections with higher voter turnout are associated with higher academic performance for students in the district compared to those with lower voter turnout.

One straightforward way to improve turnout and reduce voter participation disparities is to sync local elections to presidential election years, which research shows increases participation significantly.48 Voting rights legislation and enforcement is a more complex issue but even more important for reducing voter turnout disparities. At the federal level, Congress can restore and bolster voter protections by passing the Freedom to Vote Act and the John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act.49 States can also pass their own state-level voting rights acts to protect voters from discriminatory voting policies50 and help voters defend against the unrepresentative election systems discussed below.

The election system itself can have a significant impact on representation. In 2022, nearly three-quarters of school board members were elected to at-large seats.51 At-large elections allow every voter in a jurisdiction to cast a vote for a candidate, regardless of where the voter lives within the jurisdiction. There are several ways to structure voting within at-large election systems, and the type of voting method used in an at-large election system can be the difference between minority groups having a meaningful voice or being completely drowned out.

Most at-large election systems in the United States use a winner-take-all system in which voters get to cast a vote for each seat up for election and whichever candidate receives the most votes is elected, even if the candidate receives less than 50 percent of the total votes cast. When used in multiwinner elections such as school board elections, the majority can effectively control all available seats, leaving less populous groups without any representation.52

Jurisdictions still using winner-take-all, at-large, multiwinner elections should transition to a more representative election system to help school board members better represent the communities they serve. One option is to transition to district-based elections, which divide a jurisdiction into geographic districts and allow each voter to only vote for the representatives for the district in which they live. While switching to district-based elections can help increase representation and may work well for some jurisdictions, they are not a one-size-fits-all remedy, as drawing districts can present its own equity concerns.53

Another option is to keep the at-large election format but switch from a “winner-take-all” voting system to an alternative voting method such as proportional ranked choice voting.54 Proportional ranked choice voting is a form of ranked choice voting that can be used when multiple candidates can win in an election, such as a city council or school board election. If voters use proportional ranked choice voting to elect their members, then voters each cast one vote for all the open seats and their votes are distributed according to their ranked preferences, making each vote more equal.55 This can help lead to a broader array of viewpoints on the board, as no one majority or plurality group can completely overtake every seat on the board.56

Jurisdictions still using winner-take-all, at-large, multiwinner elections should transition to a more representative election system to help school board members better represent the communities they serve.

Recruiting more diverse candidates to run for school board—especially those already active in the community or education sphere—is another way to make school boards better reflect their communities and community needs.

4. School board elections are testing grounds for major social issues

Despite the fact that more than 90 percent of school board members are elected in nonpartisan elections,57 school board elections have become a testing ground for some of the most contentious political and social issues in the country, including LGBTQI+ rights, public health precautions, and the importance of learning about and addressing racial discrimination in the nation’s past and present.58

National special interest groups are using school board elections to push their own agendas, rightly viewing school board elections as easier to influence than other political offices.59 Low voter turnout and a lack of qualified candidates,60 paired with the low monetary threshold needed to boost a candidate’s campaign,61 create an environment that can be manipulated by money, special interests, and extremists who do not represent the views of the broader community.

The ability of a small group of people to wrest control of a school board and exercise its power is dangerous. For instance, an unrepresentative far-right group that had recently elected its slate of candidates to a school board chose to focus on book bans instead of addressing the district’s major shortage of more than 100 teachers,62 an issue known to have serious impacts on student achievement and well-being.63 Similarly, groups have poured money into school board elections to try to restrict transgender and other LGTBQI+ rights,64 policy shifts which put children in danger since supportive school policies can significantly lower suicide risks.65

The decisions school boards make on these topics not only affect students, who will carry these lessons with them for the rest of their lives, but also the broader community. Individuals who choose not to participate in or pay attention to school board elections are leaving decisions about these important policies up to others who may not share their values or interests.

5. High-quality inclusive schools strengthen communities

Access to high-quality schools has long been associated with educational, social, and health benefits.66 The quality of public education affects many other factors of community success, including economic success, crime and safety, and the well-being and health of community members. For example, individuals who have access to quality K-12 education and graduate from high school are more likely to find gainful employment and be active and productive citizens than those who do not.67 These outcomes provide communitywide benefits as well, including lower rates of serious crimes and lower demands on the public health care system.68 When communities have high-quality public schools, they attract more families and businesses.69 High-quality public schools also increase property values,70 and ultimately, lead to a more educated and prosperous community. This is why it is important to ensure that the individuals elected to make decisions about local schools are knowledgeable about what it takes to create and maintain high-quality inclusive public schools.

Paying attention to local school board elections allows community members to hold the actors who govern local public schools accountable to meeting their expectations. This requires understanding and advocating for accountability levers that the community may use as a form of checks and balances.

Holding a local school board accountable can include many different actions, depending on local policies. It starts with showing up to the polls with an understanding of who the candidates are and what they stand for. But even once a school board member is elected, there are options for community members to continue to hold these officials accountable. These could include asking questions at school board meetings or submitting written questions or comments to better understand the actions of the board and demand that community needs are met.71

Most importantly, holding local school boards accountable requires community members to be knowledgeable about their local public schools and invested in their success. All community members, regardless of their relationship to the public school system, must realize the impacts the quality of public education will have on the betterment of their entire community. Increasing awareness of these elections, the individuals running for office, and their incumbents is vital to encouraging community involvement.

Conclusion

This month, as parents and students alike prepare for the start of a new school year with last-minute trips to the store to stock up on pencils, pens, and binders, voters should also prepare by equipping themselves with the best tool in helping ensure students have access to a high-quality, inclusive education: information about their local school board and its elections.

Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Weadé James, Jared Bass, Stasha Rhodes, and Ben Olinsky for their valuable insights and feedback. The authors would also like to thank Sophia Applegate for her thorough fact-checking and support throughout this report’s development.

Endnotes

  1. Stephen B. Billings and others, “Self-Interest in Public Service: Evidence from School Board Elections” (Providence, RI: Annenberg Institute at Brown University, 2022), available at https://edworkingpapers.com/ai22-539.
  2. Team XQ, “So, What Does a School Board Do, Anyway?”, available at https://xqsuperschool.org/high-school-community/what-does-a-school-board-do-frequently-asked-questions/ (last accessed July 2024).
  3. Ballotpedia, “Analysis of school district and board member characteristics, 2022,” August 24, 2022, available at https://ballotpedia.org/Analysis_of_school_district_and_board_member_characteristics,_2022.
  4. Jinghong Cai, “The Public’s Voice: Uncontested Candidates and Low Voter Turnout Are Concerns in Board Elections,” National School Boards Association, April 1, 2020, available at https://www.nsba.org/ASBJ/2020/April/the-publics-voice; Kelly Devine, “Visualizing Voter Turnout in Local and School Board Elections,” Carnegie Corporation of New York, November 2, 2022, available at https://www.carnegie.org/our-work/article/visualizing-voter-turnout-local-school-board-elections/.
  5. Cai, “The Public’s Voice: Uncontested Candidates and Low Voter Turnout Are Concerns in Board Elections.”
  6. Ibid.
  7. Ballotpedia, “School board elections, 2023,” available at https://ballotpedia.org/School_board_elections,_2023 (last accessed July 2024).
  8. While the vast majority of school board members are elected, some are appointed instead. This paper will focus on elected school board officials.
  9. Ballotpedia, “School board elections, 2023.”
  10. Billings and others, “Self-Interest in Public Service: Evidence from School Board Elections.”
  11. Cai, “The Public’s Voice: Uncontested Candidates and Low Voter Turnout Are Concerns in Board Elections.”
  12. Glenn Rolfe and Elle Wood, “Seven school board seats contested in Delaware,” Daily State News, May 14, 2024, available at https://baytobaynews.com/stories/seven-school-board-seat-contested-in-delaware,135076.
  13. Author’s analysis of Virginia Department of Elections, “2023 November General and Special Elections: Official Results,” November 7, 2023, available at https://enr.elections.virginia.gov/results/public/Virginia/elections/2023-Nov-Gen/reports.
  14. Ibid.
  15. Cai, “The Public’s Voice: Uncontested Candidates and Low Voter Turnout Are Concerns in Board Elections.”
  16. Team XQ, “So, What Does a School Board Do, Anyway?”.
  17. Russell Contreras, “Strict school zones are reinforcing inequality, new study finds,” Axios, April 24, 2024, available at https://www.axios.com/2024/04/24/school-zones-inequality-brown-v-board-report.
  18. Tomás Monarrez and Carina Chen, “Dividing Lines” (Washington: Urban Institute, 2021), available at https://apps.urban.org/features/dividing-lines-school-segregation/.
  19. Gary Orfield and Ryan Pfleger, “The Unfinished Battle for Integration in a Multiracial America – from Brown to Now” (Los Angeles: The Civil Rights Project, 2024), available at https://www.civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/research/k-12-education/integration-and-diversity/the-unfinished-battle-for-integration-in-a-multiracial-america-2013-from-brown-to-now/National-Segregation-041624-CORRECTED-for.pdf.
  20. Linda Darling-Hammond, “Unequal Opportunity: Race and Education,” Brookings Institution, March 1, 1998, available at https://www.brookings.edu/articles/unequal-opportunity-race-and-education/.
  21. Geoffrey D. Borman and Maritza Dowling, “Schools and Inequality: A Multilevel Analysis of Coleman’s Equality of Educational Opportunity Data,” Teachers College Record 112 (5) (2010): 1201–1246, available at https://doi.org/10.1177/016146811011200507.
  22. Richard D. Kahlenberg, Halley Potter, and Kimberly Quick, “School Integration: How It Can Promote Social Cohesion and Combat Racism” (Washington: American Federation of Teachers, 2019), available at https://www.aft.org/ae/fall2019/kahlenberg_potter_quick#:~:text=Several%20studies%20have%20found%20that,%2Dconfidence%2C%20and%20leadership%20skills (last accessed August 2024).
  23. Annette Lareau, Elliot B. Weininger, and Amanda Barrett Cox, “How Entitled Parents Hurt Schools,” The New York Times, June 24, 2018, available at https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/24/opinion/rich-parents-hurt-schools-economic-segregation.html.
  24. Marguerite Roza and Laura Anderson, “School Boards Face Their Most Difficult Budget Season Ever. Many Are Unprepared,” The 74, February 27, 2024, available at https://www.the74million.org/article/school-boards-face-their-most-difficult-budget-season-ever-many-are-unprepared/.
  25. Ibid.
  26. Denise Rawding, “How School Boards Can Support Districts to Adopt Quality Instructional Materials,” EdReports, January 15, 2021, available at https://www.edreports.org/resources/article/how-school-boards-can-support-districts-to-adopt-quality-instructional-materials.
  27. Tyler Kingkade, “Moms for Liberty-backed school board members fire superintendent, ban critical race theory,” NBC News, November 16, 2022, available at https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/moms-liberty-berkeley-county-school-board-superintendent-rcna57528.
  28. Arianna Prothero, “What Are Charter Schools?,” Education Week, August 9, 2018, available at https://www.edweek.org/policy-politics/what-are-charter-schools/2018/08.
  29. Education Commission of the States, “Charter School Policies,” available at https://reports.ecs.org/comparisons/charter-school-policies-10 (last accessed July 2024).
  30. Ibid.
  31. Jennifer Thomsen, “Charter Authorizers: What they are & why they matter” (Denver: Education Commission of the States, 2017), available at https://www.ecs.org/wp-content/uploads/Charter-Authorizers-What-they-are-and-why-they-matter.pdf.
  32. Center for Public Education, “How States Fund Charter Schools” (Alexandria, VA: National School Boards Association, 2021), available at https://www.nsba.org/-/media/NSBA/File/cpe-charter-fund-brief-september-2021.pdf.
  33. Jacob Fischler and Cole Claybourn, “Understanding Charter Schools vs. Public Schools,” U.S. News & World Report, November 14, 2023, available at https://www.usnews.com/education/k12/articles/understanding-charter-schools-vs-public-schools.
  34. National School Boards Association and K12 Insight, “Today’s School Boards & Their Priorities for Tomorrow” (Alexandria, VA, and Herndon, VA: 2018), available at https://cdn-files.nsba.org/s3fs-public/reports/K12_National_Survey.pdf.
  35. Ibid.
  36. Ballotpedia, “Analysis of school district and board member characteristics, 2022.”
  37. National Center for Education Statistics, “Racial/Ethnic Enrollment in Public Schools,” available at https://nces.ed.gov/programs/coe/indicator/cge/racial-ethnic-enrollment (last accessed August 2024).
  38. National School Boards Association and K12 Insight, “Today’s School Boards & Their Priorities for Tomorrow.” 
  39. Brett Fischer, “No Spending without Representation: School Boards and the Racial Gap in Education Finance,” American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 15 (2) (2013): 198–235, available at https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/pol.20200475; Vladmir Kogan, Stephane Lavertu, and Zachary Peskowitz, “How Does Minority Political Representation Affect School District Administration and Student Outcomes?” American Journal of Political Science 65 (3) (2021): 699–716, available at https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/ajps.12587?casa_token=bRNH-C2l-MYAAAAA%3AALaOONROKnHuUdhcU5v2rqnugHMMUooxaOiTkj1CEETR60bL4a_AY_CTrk3Cz6pF21FfE-rm115ZlHHy.
  40. Devine, “Visualizing Voter Turnout in Local and School Board Elections.”
  41. Jan Brennan, “Increasing Voter Turnout in Local Elections,” National Civic Review 109 (1) (2020), available at https://www.nationalcivicleague.org/ncr-article/increasing-voter-turnout-in-local-elections/.
  42. Rashawn Ray and Mark Whitlock, “Setting the record straight on Black voter turnout”, Brookings Institution, September 12, 2019, available at https://www.brookings.edu/articles/setting-the-record-straight-on-black-voter-turnout/.
  43. Kevin Morris and Coryn Grange, “Growing Racial Disparities in Voter Turnout, 2008–2022” (New York: Brennan Center for Justice, 2024), available at https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/growing-racial-disparities-voter-turnout-2008-2022?trk=article-ssr-frontend-pulse_little-text-block.
  44. Ibid.
  45. Katherine Levine Einstein and others, “The Gray Vote: How Older Home-Owning Voters Dominate Local Elections” (Boston: Boston University, 2024), available at https://sites.bu.edu/kleinstein/files/2024/03/Gray_Vote.pdf.
  46. Justin Wolfers, “Pinpointing Racial Discrimination by Government Officials,” The New York Times, October 6, 2017, available at https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/06/business/economy/racial-discrimination-government-officials.html.
  47. Cai, “The Public’s Voice: Uncontested Candidates and Low Voter Turnout Are Concerns in Board Elections.”
  48. MIT Election Data + Science Lab, “Election timing,” available at https://electionlab.mit.edu/research/election-timing (last accessed July 2024).
  49. Rebecca Mears and Greta Bedekovics, “8 Ways To Protect American Democracy: Safeguarding Elections in 2024 and Beyond” (Washington: Center for American Progress, 2024), available at https://www.americanprogress.org/article/8-ways-to-protect-american-democracy/.
  50. Rebecca Mears, “The Protection of Voting Rights Requires State Action” (Washington: Center for American Progress, 2024), available at https://www.americanprogress.org/article/the-protection-of-voting-rights-requires-state-action/.
  51. Alison Graves, “New Research from Ballotpedia Offers Never-Before Available Information on U.S. School Boards,” Ballotpedia, Press release, August 24, 2022, available at https://ballotpedia.org/New_Research_from_Ballotpedia_Offers_Never-Before_Available_Information_on_U.S._School_Boards.
  52. Imagine a school board with three seats up for election, all of which are at-large seats, and in which 40 percent of voters support candidates A, B, and C; 30 percent of voters support candidates D, E, and F; and 30 percent of voters support candidates G, H, and I. If the groups vote cohesively, then candidates A, B, and C would be elected, giving 40 percent of the electorate control of all three seats and leaving 60 percent of the electorate without any of their preferred candidates on the board.
  53. An analysis by the San Francisco Chronicle showed mixed results: Of the 45 local boards examined which had switched to district-based elections, 22 became more diverse while 16 saw no increase in diversity and seven became less diverse. See Jason Fagone and Daniel Lempres, “A powerful California law is reshaping how you vote. Lawyers are making millions off it,” San Francisco Chronicle, December 7, 2023, available at https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2023/california-voting-law/.
  54. FairVote, “Proportional Ranked Choice Voting,” available at https://fairvote.org/our-reforms/proportional-ranked-choice-voting/ (last accessed July 2024).
  55. Imagine a school board election with three seats up for election. Under a proportional ranked choice voting system, candidates would need to receive more than 25 percent to win a seat. Voters rank candidates in order of their preferences (e.g. first, second, third, and so on). First, first-choice votes are counted. If a candidate receives more than 25 percent, they are elected. If there are still seats that need to be filled, then second-choice votes are examined in the following manner. If a candidate received more votes than the threshold needed to get elected, for example 35 percent when they only needed 25 percent, that 10 percent is a surplus. People who voted for that candidate would then have a fraction of their vote count for their next-choice candidate. This helps ensure that no votes are “wasted” on a candidate who received more votes than needed to win, helping everyone’s vote count the same. After surplus votes are counted, if there are still seats to be filled, the candidate who received the fewest votes is eliminated and people who voted for that candidate would then have their votes count instead for their next-choice candidate. This helps ensure no vote is “wasted” on a candidate who did not receive enough votes to win a seat. This process continues until all seats are filled. Ibid.
  56. Case studies of localities that use proportional ranked choice voting indicate that it led to proportional or slightly higher representation for minority groups in each case. Gerdus Benade and others, “Ranked Choice Voting and Proportional Representation” (Rochester, NY: Social Science Research Network, 2021), available at https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3778021; Nora Dell, “Ranked Choice Voting and Proportional Representation: Successes from Eastpointe, Michigan,” FairVote, June 22, 2021, available at https://fairvote.org/ranked_choice_voting_and_proportional_representation_successes_from_eastpointe_michigan/.
  57. Ballotpedia, “Rules governing party labels in school board elections,” available at https://ballotpedia.org/Rules_governing_party_labels_in_school_board_elections (last accessed August 2024).
  58. Lexi Lonas, “How school boards became one of democracy’s front lines,” The Hill, November 26, 2023, available at https://thehill.com/homenews/education/4323139-american-school-boards/; Ballotpedia, “Conflicts in School Board Elections, 2021-2023,” available at https://ballotpedia.org/Conflicts_in_school_board_elections,_2021-2023 (last accessed July 2024).
  59. Erin Mansfield and Kayla Jimenez, “These PACS are funding ‘parents’ rights advocates’ running for local school board positions,” USA Today, October 24, 2022, available at https://www.usatoday.com/in-depth/news/politics/2022/10/23/super-pacs-spending-local-school-board-races/8125668001/.
  60. The fact that voter turnout tends to be low in school board elections means that a small group of people who are passionate about extreme causes that are not representative of the concerns of the broader community can take control of a school board simply by showing up to vote. Such groups can also take control of school boards by choosing to run for office. Since many school board seats up for election are unopposed, candidates who hold extreme views that are unrepresentative of the community can be elected simply by choosing to run. Ballotpedia, “School board elections, 2023.”
  61. Candidates who have the most money supporting their campaigns tend to win. One survey of school board members found that 75 percent had spent less than $1,000 on their election campaign. So when political committees enter into a school board race and pour thousands of dollars at a time into an election, they can sway the outcome and pack school boards with candidates who support their agenda. Mansfield and Jimenez, “These PACS are funding ‘parents’ rights advocates’ running for local school board positions.”
  62. Linda Jacobson, “Chiefs Out in Half of Districts Where Moms for Liberty Flipped Boards Last Year,” The 74, October 5, 2023, available at https://www.the74million.org/article/chiefs-out-in-half-of-districts-where-moms-for-liberty-flipped-boards-last-year/.
  63. Learning Policy Institute, “Teacher Recruitment, Retention, and Shortages,” available at https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/topic/teacher-recruitment-retention-and-shortages (last accessed July 2024).
  64. Andrew Atterbury, “National conservative groups pour money into local school board races,” Politico, September 19, 2022, available at https://www.politico.com/news/2022/09/19/conservative-school-board-fundraising-florida-00057325.
  65. Eesha Pendharkar, “LGBTQ+ Students With Affirming Schools Report Lower Suicide Risk, Survey Finds,” Education Week, August 24, 2023, available at https://www.edweek.org/leadership/lgbtq-students-with-affirming-schools-report-lower-suicide-risk-survey-finds/2023/08.
  66. Zachary P. Neal and Jennifer Watling Neal, “The Public School as a Public Good: Direct and Indirect Pathways to Community Satisfaction,” Journal of Urban Affairs 34 (5) (2012): 469–485, available at https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2011.00595.x.
  67. Dana Mitra, “Pennsylvania’s Best Investment: The Social and Economic Benefits of Public Education” (Philadelphia: Education Law Center, 2011), available at https://www.elc-pa.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/BestInvestment_Full_Report_6.27.11.pdf.
  68. Ibid.
  69. Dr. Brian Yearwood, “Great Schools Mean Great Communities,” COMO Magazine, July 7, 2023, available at https://comomag.com/2023/07/07/great-schools-mean-great-communities/.
  70. Quoctrung Bui and Conor Dougherty, “Good Schools, Affordable Homes: Finding Suburban Sweet Spots,” The New York Times, March 30, 2017, available at https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/03/30/upshot/good-schools-affordable-homes-suburban-sweet-spots.html.
  71. Education Law Center, “Fact Sheet: The School Board, Its Power, and How to Advocate” (Philadelphia: 2023), available at https://www.elc-pa.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/School-Board-Its-Power-How-to-Advocate-2023.pdf.

The positions of American Progress, and our policy experts, are independent, and the findings and conclusions presented are those of American Progress alone. A full list of supporters is available here. American Progress would like to acknowledge the many generous supporters who make our work possible.

Authors

Paige Shoemaker DeMio

Senior Policy Analyst, K-12 Education

Rebecca Mears

Director, Democracy

Lisette Partelow

Senior Fellow

Team

K-12 Education Policy

The K-12 Education Policy team is committed to developing policies for a new education agenda rooted in principles of opportunity for all and equity in access.

This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.