Despite the Trump administration’s best efforts, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party was defeated in Hungary’s parliamentary election—a significant setback for MAGA ideology on the global stage with the loss of President Donald Trump’s closest ally and biggest proponent in Europe. But while the result dealt a blow to the far right, we should not expect the Trump administration to abandon using the levers of state power to advance its ideology’s prospects at home and abroad. On the contrary: They may just be getting started.
Three lessons should be drawn from this historic election.
Trump’s global unpopularity
The deep unpopularity of the Trump administration is significantly undermining the global far right. For years, an international movement of far-right actors has networked, traded ideas, and supported each other’s political fortunes. The Trump administration has elevated this cooperation to another level, taking overt political actions in support of far-right movements in Argentina, Romania, Poland, Brazil, Germany, and beyond. This state-sanctioned support for political allies on such a massive scale is unprecedented in American history.
Hungary’s election, however, shows that Trump’s personal political support does more harm than good, especially in Europe. In Germany, Trump’s favorability rating is 10 percent. In the United Kingdom and France, it’s 14 percent. And in Denmark—the target of Trump’s ire over Greenland—the president polls at just 3 percent. Across the rest of Europe, his numbers are similarly low, reflecting the unpopularity of the Iran war and Trump’s actions related to Greenland and tariffs. Even the most extreme far-right European figures understand that “making my country great again” is not a winning brand.
Instead of an archetype for a resurgent global far-right, Trump is increasingly a liability.
The lesson the center right in the United States and Europe should take from this election is clear: Tacking to the extreme right is political self-sabotage. Péter Magyar won in Hungary by taking on corruption and hewing to the traditional position of the center right. He proved that one does not have to be Orbán-lite by appealing to extremes. Center-right figures in places such as Germany would do well to avoid adopting the radical positions of far-right groups like the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in order to defeat them. Not only is it morally wrong; it’s a losing political strategy. With the AfD in disarray, it would behoove Germany’s center right to stand back and highlight the party’s association with Trump.
Building center-left global ties
There’s an important lesson in Hungary for the center left, too—that building a global movement is critical, but direct interference in an election is ethically wrong and strategically misguided. In short, it doesn’t work.
Trump’s unpopularity around the world creates the political conditions for a resurgence on the left, but to build on this moment, left-leaning lawmakers in the United States must vigorously work to build ties abroad and learn lessons that can be applied at home. The far right has been at this for years. Under the guise of the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) and other efforts, a vibrant network of actors has traded ideas, tested political themes and messages, and driven narratives with similar constituents around the world. While the left could learn from this and do a better job of connecting with and learning from its political brethren abroad, it should stop well short of using the tools of government in support of political allies and against political opponents abroad. This guardrail is important to maintain, not just because direct interference is wrong but because it’s ineffective. No matter the political stripe, citizens just don’t like foreigners—even perceived allies—interfering in their elections.
This kind of interference can also have negative real-world impacts on foreign policy. For example, Trump’s war in Iran is terribly misguided and arguably illegal under both international law and U.S. domestic law. European allies roundly oppose it on those merits. But to inherently political figures, politics cannot lie far from the surface. Why would an elected leader in France, Germany, or the United Kingdom go out of their way to entertain an unpopular request from the United States when, at the same time, Trump is publicly undermining them by supporting the most extreme elements of their societies?
This is not rocket science. Friends do not treat each other this way, and the Trump administration should not be surprised when traditional allies under attack by the extreme right don’t leap at the chance to support the Trump administration.
Exporting MAGA ideology
While the Trump administration was dealt a setback in Hungary, it’s unlikely to change course any time soon.
Reporting in February suggested the U.S. Department of State plans to financially back “MAGA-aligned think-tanks” across Europe, to coincide with the 250th anniversary of the United States’ founding. These efforts are reportedly being directed by Undersecretary of State Sarah Rogers, who has made several trips to Europe since taking office. A senior figure from the United Kingdom’s right-wing Reform party claimed she had a “state department slush fund” at her disposal to help get “Maga-style things” moving overseas. It’s not clear if this money has gone out the door yet, though Congress has asked for more transparency. The State Department also announced the creation of Freedom.gov, a portal to post the “censored” views of Europeans that were deleted from the web due to restrictions on extremism.
The people of Europe and the American taxpayer alike deserve to know with full transparency who is receiving these grants, in what amounts, and for what purpose.
These efforts are a logical extension of the National Security Strategy (NSS), which called for the United States to align with “patriotic European parties.” This State Department funding could operationalize the NSS and many of the themes espoused in Vice President JD Vance’s 2025 speech at the Munich Security Conference.
Yet if the election results in Hungary are any indication of emerging trends in Europe, Rogers’ efforts may well backfire. Trump remains underwater in every public opinion survey. The people of Europe and the American taxpayer alike deserve to know with full transparency who is receiving these grants, in what amounts, and for what purpose.
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Conclusion
Instead of an archetype for a resurgent global far-right, Trump is increasingly a liability. However, that does not mean we can safely ignore the dangers posed by his administration’s agenda. It is time for left-of-center movements to work together to advance an alternative vision, while respecting the historic nonpartisan institutions of state.