Center for American Progress

Baby Bonds: A Worthwhile Step To Reduce the Racial Wealth Gap
Report

Baby Bonds: A Worthwhile Step To Reduce the Racial Wealth Gap

Baby bonds build intergenerational wealth for households that often have not had access to economic opportunities, mobility, and security.

In this article
A child and his mother stand in front of a fountain in Hoboken, New Jersey, May 25, 2024.
A child and his mother stand in front of a fountain in Hoboken, New Jersey, May 25, 2024. (Getty/Gary Hershorn)

Introduction and summary

Baby bonds—government-funded accounts established at a child’s birth that provide money for future asset-building investments—have the potential to make a significant dent in the racial wealth gap and give people more access to economic security, opportunity, and mobility. The universal goal of instituting baby bonds is wealth building for all children. The policy of baby bonds would target the unique challenges of families and households that struggle with being excluded from economic opportunities, face obstacles to saving money, and are trapped in a cycle of financial insecurity passed down from one generation to the next. Baby bonds would also allow for the inclusion of racial groups, such as African American and Latino households, that are often excluded from wealth-building and economic opportunities.

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Wealth—the difference between what people own and what they owe—is crucial for economic security and mobility. Money in savings accounts, home equity, and retirement accounts, among other forms, can serve as a financial buffer in an emergency such as a health shock or layoff. Wealth is also critically important for people who hope to create and take advantage of economic opportunities. People can use their wealth to support their education, start a business, or put a down payment on a new house. Having wealth also allows people to choose whether to keep working or to retire in dignity when they reach the end of their careers. Having wealth feeds into many aspects that make up a secure middle-class standard of living. At the same time, greater economic security, opportunity, and mobility help to build a more dynamic and stronger economy.

Yet many households have little to no wealth, with few opportunities to gain it.1 Furthermore, wealth and wealth-building opportunities have historically been unequally distributed along racial and ethnic lines. Many Black, Latino, Native American, Pacific Islander, and Native Alaskan households have a lot less wealth than white households. For example, in 2022, the typical Black household had $44,100 in wealth and the typical Latino household had $62,120 in wealth, while the typical white household had $284,310.2 (see Figure 1) Importantly, the racial wealth gaps remain wide across all ages. (see Figure 2) By instituting federally funded baby bonds, the U.S. government could help Americans build wealth for years—and possibly decades—to start addressing the savings shortfalls among nonwhite households.

Professors Darrick Hamilton and William “Sandy” Darity Jr. originally proposed such an approach to reduce the massive wealth gap between Black and white households.3 Under their proposal, state, local, and federal governments would invest a fixed amount for each child every year from birth until they turn 18. The amount would vary depending on a household’s income or wealth, so that higher-income or wealthier households would receive less per child than lower-income and less wealthy households. This money would grow over time, based on the performance of the investment funds. Once the children become adults, they could then theoretically use the money however they see fit. Implementing a federal baby bond proposal would give people—especially Black households—much-needed economic security and access to economic mobility and opportunity.4

Making baby bonds a national reality would require congressional action. In the 118th Congress, Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-MA) and Sen. Cory Booker (D-NJ) reintroduced the American Opportunity Accounts Act in both the House and Senate.5 The bill aimed to create a federally funded savings account of $1,000 for every American child at birth, with the goal of addressing economic mobility and reducing the racial wealth gap. The bill died when the 118th Congress ended and would need to be reintroduced during the current Congress in order to be considered. Meanwhile, state and local governments are pioneering baby bond programs that demonstrate both the feasibility and the transformative potential of this policy.

The basics of baby bonds

Baby bonds are gaining momentum as state and local governments introduce legislation to implement them. The bonds build on the concept of child development accounts (CDAs), which are long-term savings vehicles designed to help families build financial assets for a child’s future.6 CDAs are typically created when a child is born and grow through contributions from parents and potential government matches until the child reaches adulthood. CDA withdrawals are generally restricted to specific approved purposes such as buying a home, starting a business, and, most commonly, pursuing postsecondary education.

Baby bonds operate in a similar way. At a child’s birth, the government deposits money into a trust fund on their behalf. The funds are professionally managed and invested in diversified portfolios, similar to how state and local government employee retirement benefits are handled. This approach ensures cost-effective management while maintaining relatively safe returns. Moreover, depending on their laws, states may exclude baby bonds when determining household eligibility for public benefits.

When children turn 18, they gain access to their account’s full value—the initial deposit plus accumulated interest, dividends, and capital gains—though most states restrict the funds’ use to specific purposes. For example, these funds can be used to buy a home, cover school-related costs, start a business, or pursue other opportunities to build wealth.

States and localities can look to various revenue streams to fund these programs sustainably. For example, some jurisdictions already dedicate specific revenues—such as transit fees, lottery proceeds, and graduated income taxes—to education and transportation. In 2022, Massachusetts approved a more progressive millionaires’ tax that has generated more than $1 billion annually for education and transportation.7 Similar progressive funding approaches could help expand baby bond programs either by increasing initial deposits or by enabling ongoing contributions until children reach 18. Dedicated funding approaches would ensure baby bonds can make a meaningful impact on reducing the racial wealth gap while creating a stronger, more equitable economy.

While it is too early to gauge the actual impact of baby bond policies,8 research has shown three key findings:9

  1. Baby bonds help reduce the wealth gap between Black and white households.
  2. Baby bonds are better at raising the wealth of typical families than other proposals targeted at narrowing the racial wealth gap.
  3. Baby bonds are effective at reducing the wealth difference between Black and white households, as well as the gap between Latino households and white households.10

Why state and local implementation matters now

Baby bonds have not yet been implemented at the federal level because they lack widespread political support and require significant government investment at a time when debates about federal spending and wealth redistribution are deeply polarized. Rather than waiting for federal action that could be years away, state and local governments are filling a critical void in the policy landscape to address wealth inequality for their residents. State and local governments are increasingly piloting and implementing similar programs, providing real-world evidence of their potential effectiveness.

Policymakers, researchers, and other experts recognize the importance of wealth for economic security, mobility, and opportunity. They have also realized that the massive wealth gap persists over time and will not shrink without large, targeted, and sustained policy interventions. States and localities have both the opportunity and responsibility to create their own policies to raise wealth levels for those who otherwise would not have a secure future. When people have enough savings to feel financially secure, they are more likely to invest for the longer term.11 This could mean that they invest in a business instead of leaving the money in a low-interest savings account, pursue additional training and higher education, or start a small business—all of which help create a stronger economy for everyone.

Although some researchers and policymakers may question whether state and local governments can afford baby bonds, the more pressing question is whether states can afford not to address wealth inequality. Even households with decent incomes12 often lack the savings to handle an emergency room visit for a sprained ankle or an air conditioner repair during a heat wave, creating ripple effects that burden both communities and local governments.13 To put it clearly, households that struggle to cover such expenses often do not have the means to build wealth, and baby bonds could give young adults a much-needed chance to do so.

Several states and some localities have started to consider or have already enacted baby bond legislation. By early 2024, Connecticut and the District of Columbia had passed baby bond legislation. California created Hope, Opportunity, Perseverance and Empowerment (HOPE) accounts—a limited baby bond program aimed in part at reducing the racial wealth gap—for children who had lost a parent to COVID-19 and for long-term foster children in 2022.14 Legislation has been introduced, but not enacted, in Massachusetts, Nevada, and Vermont.15 In 2022, Massachusetts established a Baby Bonds Task Force to provide comprehensive recommendations on program development and implementation. That same year, the task force published a report that set out criteria for eligibility, purpose of the funds, access to the funds, and management of the funds.16 Policymakers have proposed baby bonds for consideration and debate in Louisiana, Maryland, and Washington during the past few years.17 Proposals are also appearing at the county level: In Montgomery County, Maryland, Councilmember Will Jawando introduced legislation for a child investment fund, which is akin to baby bonds.18

See also

Governments’ pursuance of these steps speaks to the importance and popularity of baby bonds as a way to create more wealth for everybody.19 This is especially noteworthy since state and local governments face some constraints in enacting new measures to build wealth. They often operate under balanced budget rules, which require that all spending matches their revenue. Creating and sustaining baby bonds requires that governments identify key strategies to pay for this wealth-building measure.

Key design considerations

As efforts to reduce wealth inequality through baby bonds are underway, it is crucial to consider key aspects that make for the most effective policies.

Baby bonds need to start with a meaningful amount

Given the persistence and size of the racial wealth gap, governments should commit substantial initial investments at birth—preferably $1,000 to $2,000 per child or larger. Several state and local governments are already demonstrating this approach: The Montgomery County, Maryland, proposal plans to invest $1,800 at birth, growing with interest to about $4,850 by the time the child reaches age 18.20 Connecticut’s law provides $3,200, which, with interest, would amount to about $8,600 when the child reaches age 18.21 A larger up-front investment at birth is more feasible than a series of smaller annual contributions for state and local governments, which often face resource constraints and might reduce or completely forgo ongoing payments unless the program has a dedicated funding stream. Furthermore, the amounts that governments envision for baby bonds are particularly meaningful when compared with typical savings today: Black and Latino households had only about $2,000 in liquid savings on average in 2022.22 (see Figure 4) While these initial investments cannot close the racial wealth gap entirely, they would ensure that eligible children begin adulthood with more financial resources than many mid-career professionals have now and would provide crucial benefits such as emergency savings. They would also reduce financial stress and allow young adults to focus on long-term financial planning. These programs represent an important step toward building economic security for the next generation.

Baby bonds can provide larger amounts to those with fewer resources

To make baby bonds most effective at reducing wealth gaps, governments should provide larger benefits to families with fewer resources. Some programs, such as Connecticut’s, already use income information from Medicaid eligibility determinations to establish benefits.23 An analysis of Federal Reserve data suggests that using either income or wealth to determine benefits may work similarly well, as both approaches tend to reach the families who most need support.24 This means governments can choose income-based approaches to effectively target help to those with the greatest needs.

Some income-based proposals include means-testing requirements that limit eligibility to families below certain income and assets thresholds. However, receiving and using baby bond money would not affect a family’s eligibility for other government assistance programs in states that have protected these benefits in their laws.25

Governments should identify dedicated funding streams to stabilize and grow baby bonds

Baby bonds require secure, long-term financial management. Governments should establish separate, secure long-term trust funds for baby bond investments—similar to how other government bonds, such as public employee retirement funds, are managed. This separation from general government assets provides transparency and assurance to parents and guardians that funds will be available when their children turn 18. This approach is similar to the earlier example of the Massachusetts millionaires’ tax that has generated more than $1 billion annually for education and transportation.26

Baby bond policies should emphasize flexibility and peace of mind

When children with baby bonds turn 18, they should have broad flexibility in how they use their funds—whether to pay for education, start a business, buy a house, or handle unexpected expenses. Current baby bond programs typically allow young adults to use the money only to pursue education, buy a home, or start a business. These restrictions exist because some policymakers worry young people will not make good financial choices and believe taxpayers prefer knowing exactly how their money will be used. However, research shows that when given flexibility, adults in need make smart spending decisions based on their unique situations, and that rigid rules about how to spend the money can prevent young people from meeting their most urgent needs or pursuing opportunities that would best help them build wealth.27

Baby bonds with flexibility are based on a simple truth: People know what they need for their own financial security best. Without restrictions, account holders would not feel pressured to spend their money immediately, allowing their assets to potentially grow while they plan their future. For example, a person should not have to go into debt for an emergency car repair just because their baby bond money is restricted to use for education only.

This freedom of choice creates powerful ripple effects. When young people have a financial cushion and are not constantly worried about day-to-day survival, they can think about the long term and take positive steps such as pursuing additional training, planning a business venture, or participating in their employer’s retirement plan. Some programs, such as California’s HOPE accounts, allow people to keep their money invested for up to eight additional years after turning 18, encouraging continued saving.28 The key insight is that giving young adults control over their baby bond funds both provides them immediate help and encourages them to build longer-lasting financial stability through saving and investing.29

Conclusion

Many households—especially those with individuals who are Black, Hispanic, or are multiple races and ethnicities—often live with tremendous financial precarity and lack the means to pursue economic opportunities that could lead to upward mobility. Baby bonds present an opportunity for wealth building for all children, offering a transformative approach that acknowledges both Americans’ shared aspirations and diverse starting points. Instituting federally funded baby bonds would represent not just an economic intervention, but a profound commitment to equity, recognizing that true opportunity requires understanding and addressing the unique challenges faced by different communities.

Baby bonds would be a crucial down payment toward meaningful economic security and opportunity for the next generation. States and localities should step forward now with bold policies such as baby bonds to begin building wealth and economic security for their residents and to build a strong case for similar interventions at the national level.30

Endnotes

  1. Christian E. Weller, Dania V. Francis, and Michele E. Tolson, “Retirement Wealth by Race and Ethnicity: Differences, Trends and Contributing Factors,” (Schaumberg, IL: Society of Actuaries, 2024), available at www.soa.org/resources/research-reports/2024/disparities-retirement-preparedness/.
  2. These numbers differ slightly from those published by the Federal Reserve since it uses unpublished data that are not available to the public. Authors’ calculations based on Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “2022 Survey of Consumer Finances,” available atwww.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm (last accessed October 2023); Aditya Aladangady, Andrew C. Chang, and Jacob Krimmel, “Greater Wealth, Greater Uncertainty: Changes in Racial Inequality in the Survey of Consumer Finances, ” Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October 18, 2023, available at https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/greater-wealth-greater-uncertainty-changes-in-racial-inequality-in-the-survey-of-consumer-finances-20231018.html.
  3. Darrick Hamilton and William Darity, “Can ‘Baby Bonds’ Eliminate the Racial Wealth Gap in Putative Post-Racial America?”, The Review of Black Political Economy 37 (3-4) (2010): 207–216, available at https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1007/s12114-010-9063-1.
  4. A number of simulations exist to measure the impact of baby bond proposals on the wealth gap between Black and white households. Christian E. Weller, Connor Maxwell, and Danyelle Solomon, “Simulating How Large Policy Proposals Affect the Black-White Wealth Gap,” Journal of Economics, Race, and Policy 4 (2021): 196–213, available at https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s41996-020-00077-8; Naomi Zewde, “Universal Baby Bonds Reduce Black-White Wealth Inequality, Progressively Raise Net Worth of All Young Adults,” The Review of Black Political Economy 47 (1) (2020): 3–19, available at https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0034644619885321; Lia Mitchell and Aron Shapiro, “Baby Bonds: Income-Based Program Designs Show Promise for Closing the Racial Wealth Gap” (Chicago: Morningstar Policy Research, 2020), available at https://assets.contentstack.io/v3/assets/blt4eb669caa7dc65b2/blte4034601f3d46462/61e6f5812e138154d89cbf82/wp_Policy_Baby_Bonds_final.pdf; Asher Dvir-Djerassi, “Closing the Racial Wealth Gap: A Counterfactual Historical Simulation of Universal Inheritance,” RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences 10 (3) (2024): 70–91, available at www.rsfjournal.org/content/10/3/70.
  5. Office of Congresswoman Ayanna Pressley, “Pressley, Booker Re-Introduce Bicameral ‘Baby Bonds’ Legislation to Tackle Wealth Inequality,” Press release, February 15, 2023, available at https://pressley.house.gov/2023/02/15/pressley-booker-re-introduce-bicameral-baby-bonds-legislation-to-tackle-wealth-inequality/#:~:text=The%20American%20Opportunity%20Accounts%20Act%2C%20also%20known%20as%20%E2%80%9Cbaby%20bonds,account%20of%20%241%2C000%20at%20birth.
  6. Julia Stevens, “Child Development Accounts: Innovative Plans Build Savings For Youth, Starting at Birth” (St. Louis, MO: Federal Reserve Bank of Saint Louis, 2009), available at https://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/bridges/spring-2009/child-development-accounts-innovative-plans-build-savings-for-youth-starting-at-birth#:~:text=CDAs%20are%20savings%20or%20investment,she%20graduates%20from%20high%20school.
  7. Walter Wuthmann, “Massachusetts’ Millionaire Tax,” NPR, June 12, 2024, available at www.npr.org/2024/06/12/nx-s1-5003934/massachusetts-millionaire-tax. Most states with an income tax have graduated rates, meaning that the marginal tax rate increases with incomes. California’s income tax rate increases from 2 percent for single filers with incomes ranging from $10,412 to $24,684 in 2024 to 13.30 percent for individual filers with incomes greater than $1 million. Andrey Yushkov, “State Individual Income Tax Rates and Brackets, 2024,” Tax Foundation, February 20, 2024, available at https://taxfoundation.org/data/all/state/state-income-tax-rates-2024/.
  8. Baby bonds were first introduced in 2010. Madeline Brown, Marokey Sawo, and Ofronama Biu, “What Do We Know about Baby Bonds?” (Washington: The Urban Institute, 2023), available at www.urban.org/sites/default/files/2023-09/What%20Do%20We%20Know%20About%20Baby%20Bonds.pdf.
  9. Weller, Maxwell, and Solomon, “Simulating How Large Policy Proposals Affect the Black-White Wealth Gap”; Zewde, “Universal Baby Bonds Reduce Black-White Wealth Inequality, Progressively Raise Net Worth of All Young Adults”; Mitchell and Shapiro, “Baby Bonds: Income-Based Program Designs Show Promise for Closing the Racial Wealth Gap”; Dvir-Djerassi, “Closing the Racial Wealth Gap: A Counterfactual Historical Simulation of Universal Inheritance.”
  10. Damir Cosic and others, “Modeling the Impacts of a Federal Baby Bonds Program” (Washington: Urban Institute, 2024), available at www.urban.org/sites/default/files/2024-12/Modeling-a-National-Baby-Bonds-Program_0.pdf.
  11. Christian E. Weller and Katherine Newman, “Increasing Risks, Costs, and Retirement Income Inequality,” Annual Review of Gerontology and Geriatrics 40 (1) (2020): 69–86, available at https://connect.springerpub.com/highwire_display/entity_view/node/138959/full.
  12. Having a decent income is akin to having financial security. It means earning enough to cover basic needs—such as housing, food, and clothing—while having money leftover for savings for the future and avoiding high interest rate debt. Evelyn Waugh, “What Is Financial Security and How Do You Achieve It?”, Experian, July 2, 2023, available at https://www.experian.com/blogs/ask-experian/what-is-financial-security/.
  13. Among households with incomes between $50,000 and $75,000 in 2023, 41.6 percent could not come up with $400 to cover an emergency expense. Authors’ calculations based on Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Economic Well-Being of U.S. Households in 2023” (Washington: 2024), available atwww.federalreserve.gov/consumerscommunities/shed.htm.
  14. Office of the California State Treasurer, “California Hope, Opportunity, Perseverance, and Empowerment (HOPE) for Children Trust Account Program: 2023 Report to the Legislature” (Sacramento, CA: 2023), available atwww.treasurer.ca.gov/hope/meeting/2023/1025/item9.pdf; Office of the California State Treasurer, “The California Hope, Opportunity, Perseverance, and Empowerment (HOPE) for Children Trust Account Program’s 2024 Report to the Department of Finance and Legislature” (Sacramento, CA: 2024), available at www.treasurer.ca.gov/hope/documents/summary.pdf; Celestina Ramirez, “California foster youth and COVID orphans gaining a sense of hope from trust fund program,” CalMatters, January 30, 2024, available at calmatters.org/commentary/2024/01/baby-bonds-foster-youth-hope/; State of Connecticut Treasurer’s Office, “CT Baby Bonds,” available at https://portal.ct.gov/ott/debt-management/ct-baby-bonds (last accessed November 2024); Ashraf Khalil, “DC’s Pioneering ‘Baby Bonds’ Plan Aims to Narrow Wealth Gap,” NBC Washington, August 21, 2022, available at https://www.nbcwashington.com/news/local/dcs-baby-bonds-program-aims-to-help-citys-poorest-families/3138254/.
  15. An Act addressing the racial wealth gap, H.B. 1157, General Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (January 17, 2023), available at https://malegislature.gov/Bills/193/H1157; Establishes the Nevada Baby Bonds Program, A.B. 28, Nevada Legislature (June 1, 2023) available at https://www.leg.state.nv.us/App/NELIS/REL/82nd2023/Bill/9557/Overview; An act relating to establishing a baby bond trust program, H. 769, Vermont General Assembly (January 11, 2024), available at https://legislature.vermont.gov/bill/status/2024/H.769.
  16. Commonwealth of Massachusetts, “Massachusetts Baby Bonds Task Force,” available at https://www.mass.gov/info-details/massachusetts-baby-bonds-task-force (last accessed November 2024).
  17. Shira Markoff, David Radcliffe, and Darrick Hamilton, “A Brighter Future with Baby Bonds: How States and Cities Should Invest in Our Kids” (New York and Washington: Institute on Race, Power and Political Economy and Prosperity Now, 2024), available at https://prosperitynow.org/sites/default/files/resources/A%20Bright%20Future%20for%20Baby%20Bonds%202024_Final_021324.pdf.
  18. Will Jawando, “Investing in Our People, Investing in Our Future,” Institute on Race, Power and Political Economy, April 17, 2024, https://racepowerpolicy.org/2024/04/investing-in-our-people-investing-in-our-future/.
  19. The majority of voters—57 percent—supported the creation of a baby bonds program in the United States in 2022. Seventy-three percent of Black respondents and 64 percent of Latino respondents supported the program, while only 54 percent of white respondents did. The majority of all racial groups supported this type of legislation. American Civil Liberties Union, “Re: National Baby Bonds Polling,” September 29, 2023, available at https://assets.aclu.org/live/uploads/2023/10/ACLU-WA-Sep-2023-Baby-Bonds-National-Polling-key-insights-memo.pdf.
  20. Authors’ calculations assuming a rate of return of 6 percent per year for 17 years.
  21. Authors’ calculations assuming a rate of return of 6 percent per year for 17 years.
  22. Dollar amounts are in 2022 dollars. Authors’ calculations based on Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. “2022 Survey of Consumer Finances,” 2023, available at www.federalreserve.gov/econres/scfindex.htm.
  23. Using wealth as an alternative may be appealing since, in 2022, 17.1 percent of Black households had no or negative wealth, compared with just 5.8 percent of white households—even among middle-income families. However, measuring wealth presents practical challenges since tax returns only capture limited wealth information such as retirement contributions and property tax payments, not full details about assets and debts. Authors’ calculations based on Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “2022 Survey of Consumer Finances.”
  24. Authors’ analysis of Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “2022 Survey of Consumer Finances 2022.” Analysis shows that the racial distribution of households with young children differs only slightly depending on whether the cutoff is $50,000 or $100,000 in household income or household wealth.
  25. Shira Markoff, “Baby Bonds: A Legislative Toolkit for Building a Brighter Future in Your State” (Washington: Prosperity Now, 2023), available at prosperitynow.org/sites/default/files/resources/Baby-Bonds-Legislative-Toolkit.pdf.
  26. Wuthmann, “Massachusetts’ Millionaire Tax.” Most states with an income tax have graduated rates, meaning that the marginal tax rate increases with incomes. California’s income tax rate increases from 2.0 percent for single filers with incomes ranging from $10,412 to $24,684 in 2024 to 13.30 percent for individual filers with incomes greater than $1 million. Yushkov, “State Individual Income Tax Rates and Brackets, 2024.”
  27. Janet Currie and Firouz Gahvari, “Transfers in Cash and In-Kind: Theory Meets the Data,” Journal of Economic Literature 46 (2) (2008): 333–83, available at https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jel.46.2.333.
  28. The American Dream Policy Demonstration project from researchers at Washington University in St. Louis shows substantial positive psychological benefits, with 90 percent of participants who were surveyed saying that they felt more confident about the future and 84 percent saying that they were more economically secure. Less financial stress tends to increase people’s long-term financial outlook and increase their willingness to save for the future. Michael Sherraden, “Individual Development Accounts: Summary of Research” (St. Louis, MO: Brown School Center for Social Development, 2002), available at csd.wustl.edu/items/american-dream-policy-demonstration/; Weller and Newman, “Increasing Risks, Costs, and Retirement Income Inequality.”
  29. Michael Sherraden and Lissa Johnson of Washington University in St. Louis undertook a massive demonstration project for so-called individual development accounts that provided savings matches to low-income savers. This project still serves as a benchmark to understand savings policies targeting lower-income households and shrinking the racial wealth gap. More than 90 percent of participants surveyed in the project said that they felt more confident about the future, and 84 percent said that they felt economically more secure. The project also showed that participants became more likely to make plans or invest in home- and business ownership, as well as in education. Sherraden, “Individual Development Accounts: Summary of Research.”
  30. Since the racial wealth gap stems from deliberate discrimination over centuries, addressing it requires multiple policy solutions working together. Christian E. Weller, Connor Maxwell, and Danyelle Solomon, “Simulating How Progressive Proposals Affect the Racial Wealth Gap” (Washington: Center for American Progress, 2019), available at https://www.americanprogress.org/article/simulating-progressive-proposals-affect-racial-wealth-gap/.

The positions of American Progress, and our policy experts, are independent, and the findings and conclusions presented are those of American Progress alone. A full list of supporters is available here. American Progress would like to acknowledge the many generous supporters who make our work possible.

Authors

Edwith Theogene

Former Director, Racial Equity and Justice

Christian E. Weller

Senior Fellow

Team

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