Hours after the polls closed and Republicans lost majorities in the House and Senate, Vice President JD Vance took to X and said: “The reason we lost is the war [in Iran]. The president himself said so last night.” The president and vice president are refreshingly correct in their assessment, despite their unwillingness to take personal responsibility for the choices they themselves made to go to war with Iran without a clear plan, congressional authorization, or the consent of the American people.
The incoming House and Senate majorities now have a clear mandate to hold members of the administration accountable for their decisions. This includes, of course, President Donald Trump himself, but also those who have enabled and willingly implemented his decisions—chiefly Vance, along with Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth. Most importantly, it is incumbent upon Congress to respond to the will of the American people and use every tool at its disposal to bring this war to a close. This is an important imperative not only to end a disastrous war but also to take steps to address a global energy crisis that has raised prices for Americans and hinges on the war’s resolution.
In particular, Congress should take the following steps.
1. Cut off funding for the war effort in an appropriations package
The single most powerful tool Congress has at its disposal to bring about an end to the war is the power of the purse. To most effectively pressure the president to cease operations, Congress must prohibit funding for further hostilities against Iran absent explicit congressional approval. This could be accomplished by including a requisite set of conditions in appropriations legislation that could responsibly wind down the conflict, safeguard America’s national security, and ensure that the president does not restart the war. The current “lame duck” Congress, which will be in office until January 3, should zero out funds for the war during fiscal year 2027 appropriations negotiations—though including these conditions may be difficult in the current Republican-led Congress. During the lame-duck session, lawmakers should stand their ground to ensure a short-term continuing resolution that would allow the incoming 120th Congress to put robust conditions into the final FY 2027 appropriations bill early in the new year. Tying these conditions to the broader appropriations package is the surest way to ensure they are passed into law.
2. Refuse to authorize spending on the war
In addition to appropriations legislation, Congress will need to authorize defense spending and programs in its annual National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) before the end of the year. This vehicle provides another opportunity for Congress, and lawmakers should prohibit the use of funds for offensive military force related to Operation Epic Fury or any subsequent military campaigns intended to target Iran without prior congressional authorization. If these efforts in the lame-duck session do not succeed, Congress should use the NDAA process in 2027 to authorize a prohibition on funding the war.
3. Conduct aggressive oversight, in both Hegseth impeachment proceedings and hearings
The Trump-Vance administration, including Rubio and Hegseth, has steadfastly refused to explain to Congress or the American people why they decided to launch a war of choice on February 28 or continue it despite clear and mounting evidence of its strategic failure. The incoming Congress should pursue impeachment proceedings against Secretary of Defense Hegseth as the individual most responsible for the conduct of the war other than Trump himself. His dismissal of qualified military officers seemingly on the sole basis of race, gender, and perceived politics; his disregard for U.S. and international law; and his gross incompetence in promoting and overseeing the campaign provide fertile material for impeachment. Outgoing Republican Rep. Thomas Massie (KY) already introduced impeachment articles in the House, and it may be possible to persuade at least some Republicans in the Senate to support charges.
Furthermore, many Democratic members of Congress have worked over the past eight months to lay the groundwork for oversight in the new Congress by sending a series of letters to the departments of State and Defense that detail the concerns of their constituents and call for the preservation of documents associated with decision-making on the war. While those inquiries have largely been ignored to date, an incoming Congress will back up renewed information requests with subpoena power and could create leverage by withholding confirmation of the president’s nominees pending cooperation on oversight priorities.
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Blame for allowing the administration to get away with stonewalling the American people lies with the current majority leadership of the House and Senate, which have conducted minimal oversight or scrutiny of the Trump-Vance Iran policies. In September, 46 senators sent a letter to Secretary Hegseth that provides a good starting point for an Iran war oversight agenda. In January 2027, new national security committee chairs should set a hearing and investigation agenda that examines all aspects of the Iran war. While not an exhaustive list, the topics to consider include:
- The intelligence and decision-making that led to the president’s decision to go to war on February 28, 2026, including the advice provided by the secretary of state, secretary of defense, vice president, and other key decision-makers—as well as whether the administration had conducted assessments of Iran’s ability to curb traffic in the Strait of Hormuz and the impact this would have on energy prices
- An accurate accounting for U.S. casualties in the conflict, the circumstances around these casualties, and an explanation for why the administration has failed to be fully transparent about casualty counts since the beginning of the conflict
- The war’s impact on Americans around the country: Military families of those killed and wounded, including those who suffered psychological trauma from extended deployments, deserve a seat at the table and an opportunity to share their view. Farmers, truck drivers, and others affected by the rise in diesel and fertilizer prices also deserve a platform to describe how the war has made their lives more difficult.
- The February strike on a girls’ school in Minab, as well as other strikes on civilians or civilian sites that call into serious question the targeting protocols used by the Department of Defense, including those that employ artificial intelligence
- A full accounting of the costs of the war, including whether and how the administration has reprogrammed funds to pay for operations, as well as the scope and costs of damage to U.S. defense and diplomatic facilities across the Middle East as a result of the war
- A full accounting of the detrimental impact of the conflict’s munitions burn—including air and missile defense interceptors, long-range and precision ground strikes, and other critical assets for military readiness and national security—along with plans to address shortages
- The geopolitical implications of the war and how it has strengthened China and Russia on the world stage: Secretary of State and White House national security adviser Marco Rubio should answer for how this war has diminished U.S. standing abroad and the nation’s ability to safeguard its values and pursue its interests on a host of issues. Congress should request a national intelligence estimate to examine the war’s impact on the global threat environment and whether it led to new security risks.
If President Trump, Vice President Vance, Secretary of State Rubio, and Secretary of Defense Hegseth ignore the wishes of the American people and continue to pursue an unauthorized war throughout 2027, Congress should use other oversight levers at its disposal. For example, Congress could legislate the appointment of a special inspector general, similar to those created during the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It could also task the Government Accountability Office and Congressional Research Service with investigating various aspects of the war effort. These underused tools would leverage additional staffing and investigatory resources on Capitol Hill, and members would be wise to avail themselves of them.
4. Pass war powers resolutions
Over the past eight months, the House and Senate have voted on a series of war powers resolutions, culminating in the passage of a concurrent resolution in both chambers calling for an end to the war. Concurrent resolutions are considered to be an important, albeit largely symbolic, expression of congressional views. A joint resolution, however—if passed by both chambers—would go to the president’s desk for signature. While Trump would likely veto such a measure, it would be important to put the president and the members of his national security team explicitly on the record as continuing to support this deeply unpopular and unauthorized war. Given those factors, there may also be some minority support for a joint resolution, which would increase the political pressure on the Trump-Vance administration. The American people have made their view on this war clear. Congress must likewise show the American people where their elected officials stand.
5. Propose an affirmative vision
While Democrats in the House and Senate have been nearly unanimous in their opposition to the war and bear no responsibility for its initiation, the new Congress should provide a clear and responsible vision for the path forward on Iran and the Middle East. National security leadership in the House and Senate should lead an effort to develop a sound policy alternative that defines American interests in the region and proposes durable diplomatic policy solutions.
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Conclusion
The war in Iran is one of the few instances in American history where a president has engaged in sustained military action without any form of international legitimacy or authorization from Congress. While the Trump-Vance administration maintains considerable powers over the conduct of foreign policy and national security, Congress is also vested with constitutional responsibilities, which it should use to end the conflict. Such an effort will not be easy, nor will it be without significant obstacles and constraints. But the incoming Congress has a clear obligation to act quickly in response to the demands and expectations on the main issues that animated the electorate this week: ending the war and lowering costs for the American people.