Center for American Progress

Fast Facts: Economic Security for Women and Families in New Hampshire
Fact Sheet

Fast Facts: Economic Security for Women and Families in New Hampshire

In order to advance economic security for women and families in New Hampshire, policymakers should prioritize policies that ensure economic equality and health care access for all.

A mother watches her daughter have her temperature taken as the two shop for furniture in Nashua, New Hampshire, on June 2, 2020. (Getty/The Boston Globe/Craig F. Walker)
A mother watches her daughter have her temperature taken as the two shop for furniture in Nashua, New Hampshire, on June 2, 2020. (Getty/The Boston Globe/Craig F. Walker)

Click here to view other state fact sheets in this series.

The COVID-19 pandemic has made clear the vital role women play in our economy and in the economic security of families, both nationally and in New Hampshire. Now more than ever, lawmakers in New Hampshire must do better to ensure all women and families have quality reproductive health care, safe workplaces, equal representation in government, and economic security.

Women need policies that reflect their roles as providers and caregivers—roles that the COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated are critical to the well-being of families, communities, and the economy.1 In New Hampshire, mothers are the sole, primary, or co-breadwinners in 67.6 percent of families,2 and these numbers are higher for some mothers of color across the United States.

The following policy recommendations can help support the economic security of women and families in New Hampshire.

Promote equal pay for equal wor­­­k

Although federal law prohibits unequal pay for equal work, there is more that can be done to ensure that both women and men across New Hampshire enjoy the fullest protections against discrimination.

  • In 2019, New Hampshire women who were full-time, year-round workers earned about 82 cents for every dollar earned by their male counterparts;3 if the wage gap continues to close at its current rate, women will not reach parity in the state until 2079.4 The wage gap is even larger for Black women and Latinas in the state, each of whom earned only 56 and 61 cents, respectively, for every dollar earned by white men from 2015 to 2019.5
  • Due to the gender wage gap, each woman in New Hampshire will lose an average of $444,6000 over the course of her lifetime.6

Increase the minimum wage

Women constitute a disproportionate share of low-wage workers; raising the minimum wage would help hardworking women across New Hampshire and enable them to better support their families.

  • Women make up about two-thirds of all minimum-wage workers in the United States.7 About two-thirds of all minimum wage workers in New Hampshire are women.8
  • In New Hampshire, the current minimum wage is $7.25 per hour.9 The minimum wage for workers who receive tips is $3.26 per hour.10 Notably, more than 79 percent of tipped-wage workers in New Hampshire are women.11
  • Increasing the minimum wage to $15 per hour by 2025 would boost wages for 93,718 women in New Hampshire and 19 million women nationally.12 Sixty-one percent of New Hampshire workers who would be affected by raising the minimum wage to $15 are women.13

Guarantee access to quality health care

Women need access to comprehensive health services—including abortion care, contraceptives, and maternal health care—in order to thrive as breadwinners, caregivers, and employees. To ensure women are able to access high-quality care, states should, at minimum, implement measures to reduce racial and other disparities in pregnancy-related morbidity and mortality; protect and improve their Medicaid programs; strengthen family planning programs and expand contraceptive access; and end onerous restrictions that reduce access to abortion care and undermine the patient-provider relationship.

At the state level, New Hampshire should ensure that women have access to the full spectrum of quality, affordable, and women-centered reproductive health services.

  • Maternal health: In New Hampshire, the pregnancy-related mortality rate—16.7 deaths for every 100,00 live births in 201814—is below the national rate of 17.3 deaths for every 100,000 live births in 2017.15 Certain communities experience higher maternal and infant mortality and morbidity than others; namely, Black and Indigenous people are, nationally, about three times more likely than their white counterparts to die from pregnancy-related complications.16 In recent years, pregnant people in New Hampshire have given birth to an increasing number of infants affected by neonatal abstinence syndrome—a result of prenatal opioid exposure.17 This increase suggests that New Hampshire—which, in 2019, ranked ninth among all states for highest rate of overdose deaths nationally—must do more to support pregnant people in accessing affordable, high-quality, and effective care for substance use disorders.
  • Family planning: In 2014, more than 65,500 women in New Hampshire were in need of publicly funded family planning services and supplies, and 20 percent of those women were uninsured.18 In addition, more than 60,200 women in New Hampshire live in contraceptive deserts, or counties that lack reasonable access to a health center that offers the full range of contraceptive methods.19
  • Title X: The nation’s only domestic federal family planning program—which provides reproductive and preventive care such as contraception, sexually transmitted infection testing, and breast and cervical cancer screenings—served about 8,700 women in New Hampshire in 2019, down from about 16,100 women in 2016.20 An estimated 7,400 contraceptive patients also lost access to Title X services as a result of the Trump administration’s domestic gag rule.21 New Hampshire’s Title X funding has also fallen, from $1.48 million in 2017 to $1.40 million in 2019.22
  • Abortion: New Hampshire bars state public funds from covering abortion care except in cases of rape, incest, or life endangerment.23 And parental notification is required for minors seeking abortion care in New Hampshire.24

Ensure workers have access to paid sick days

Everyone gets sick, but not everyone is afforded the time to get better. For instance, many women go to work sick, because they fear that they will be fired for missing work. Allowing employees to earn paid sick days helps keep families, communities, and the economy healthy.

  • More than 30 million U.S. employees, or 25 percent of the nation’s private sector workforce, do not have access to paid sick days.25 In response to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Congress passed the Families First Coronavirus Response Act, which provided workers up to two weeks of emergency paid sick leave to recover from COVID-19, quarantine, care for a family member sick with COVID-19, or care for a child whose school or place of care was closed.26 This also expanded emergency paid sick leave in New Hampshire, covering up to 301,000 private sector workers in the state.27 However, the emergency paid sick leave tax credits became voluntary in 2021, emphasizing the need for a state or federal law guaranteeing workers access to paid sick leave.

Ensure fair scheduling practices

Many workers in low-paid jobs—64 percent of whom are women28—face erratic work schedules and have little control over when they work and for how long.

  • Seventeen percent of the workforce has unstable work schedules, with irregular and on-call work shift times or split or rotating shifts.29 Hourly and low-wage workers are more likely to face irregular work schedules.30 This can be especially difficult for parents who need to plan for child care.
  • In addition to threatening the economic security of these workers and their families, unfair scheduling practices are often accompanied by reduced access to health benefits and increased potential for sexual harassment.31

Provide access to paid family and medical leave

Access to paid family and medical leave would allow workers to be with their newborn children during the critical early stages of the child’s life; to care for an aging family member; to recover from their own serious illness; or to assist in a loved one’s recovery from a serious illness or injury.

  • Only 20 percent of private sector workers in the United States have access to paid family leave through their employers.32
  • Unpaid leave under the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) is inaccessible to 59 percent of working people in New Hampshire.33 Workers and families in the state need paid family and medical leave for reasons other than childbirth. For example, nearly 30 percent of workers in New Hampshire are at least 55 years old, and in roughly 20 years, the share of the state’s population that is 65 and older will grow by nearly one-third.34 New Hampshire’s aging population means an increase in older adults with serious medical conditions who will need additional care.
  • National survey data on the FMLA shows that 51 percent of employees who took leave in the last 12 months did so for personal medical reasons.35 Meanwhile, 25 percent of workers used leave to care for a new child, while another 24 percent used it to care for a family member.36

Expand quality, affordable child care

Families need child care to ensure they are able to work, but many lack access to affordable, high-quality child care options that support young children’s development and meet the needs of working families.

  • Seventy-one percent of New Hampshire children under the age of 6 have all available parents in the workforce, which makes access to affordable, high-quality child care a necessity.37
  • For a New Hampshire family with one infant and one 4-year-old, the annual price of a child care center averages $22,589 per year,38 or almost one-quarter of the median income for a family in New Hampshire with children.39
  • New Hampshire is behind the national average of children enrolled in public preschool, with about 5 percent of 4-year-olds enrolled.40
  • Forty-six percent of New Hampshire families with a child under 6 live in a child care desert, where there is not nearly enough child care to meet demand.41

Protect workers against all forms of gender-based violence

Women cannot fully participate in the economy if they face the threat of violence and harassment. There are a number of steps lawmakers can take to prevent violence against women and to support survivors, including establishing greater workplace accountability; strengthening enforcement; increasing funding for survivor support services; and educating the public on sexual harassment in the workplace.42

  • In New Hampshire, 39 percent of women have experienced contact sexual violence in their lifetimes, and 35 percent of women have experienced noncontact sexual harassment.43 Given that research at the national level suggests that as many as 70 percent of sexual harassment charges go unreported, these state numbers likely only scratch the surface.44
  • About 35 percent of New Hampshire women have experienced intimate partner violence, which can include physical violence, sexual violence, or stalking by an intimate partner.45 Experiencing intimate partner violence has been shown to hinder women’s economic potential in many ways, such as loss of pay from missed days of work and housing instability.46

Protect the rights of incarcerated women

The growing problem of mass incarceration in the United States hinders the economic potential of those affected and disproportionately harms communities of color.47 Incarceration can have a particularly destabilizing effect on families with an incarcerated mother, especially if that woman is a breadwinner. The experience of incarceration is also uniquely traumatic for women in ways that can deter long-term economic security, even after release.48

  • The incarceration rate in New Hampshire is 197 per 100,000 people.49 Approximately 8 percent of prisoners in New Hampshire are women.50
  • Women are the fastest-growing segment of the overall U.S. prison population in the past few decades, especially in state prisons and local jails.51 Yet a report from U.S. Department of Justice found that federal prisons have not effectively managed their oversight of carceral settings for women,52 and a U.S. Commission on Civil Rights report found that, as of 2018, the rate of sexual assault while incarcerated was substantially higher for women than men—and that women have fewer substantive opportunities than men to participate in rehabilitative or educational programs while incarcerated.53
  • Incarcerated women suffer from a wide range of abuses at the hands of the prison system, including lack of access to menstrual hygiene products; lack of adequate nutrition and prenatal care; shackling during pregnancy and childbirth; and separation and further disruption from children for whom they are primary caregivers.54

Promote women’s political leadership

Across the United States, women are underrepresented in political office: They constitute 51 percent of the population but only 31 percent of elected officials.55

  • Women make up 50 percent of New Hampshire’s population56 but only 35 percent of its elected officials.57
  • Women of color constitute about 5 percent of the state’s population58 but only 1 percent of its officeholders.59

Diana Boesch is a policy analyst for women’s economic security for the Women’s Initiative at the Center for American Progress. Carolyn Sabini is an intern for the Women’s Initiative at the Center.

The authors would like to thank Osub Ahmed and Jamille Fields Allsbrook from the Center for American Progress for their contributions to this fact sheet. 


  1. Campbell Robertson and Robert Gebeloff, “How Millions of Women Became the Most Essential Workers in America,” The New York Times, April 28, 2020, available at; Usha Ranji and others, “Women, Work, and Family During COVID-19: Findings from the KFF Women’s Health Survey” (San Francisco: Kaiser Family Foundation, 2021), available at
  2. Sarah Jane Glynn, “Breadwinning Mothers Are Critical to Families’ Economic Security,” Center for American Progress, March 29, 2021, available at
  3. National Partnership for Women and Families, “American’s Women and the Wage Gap” (Washington: 2021), available at
  4. Status of Women in the States, “The Economic Status of Women in New Hampshire,” available at (last accessed July 2021).
  5. National Women’s Law Center, “Wage Gap for Black Women State Rankings: 2020” (Washington: 2021), available at; National Women’s Law Center, “Wage Gap for Latina Women State Rankings: 2020” (Washington: 2021), available at
  6. National Women’s Law Center, “Lifetime Wage Gap Losses for Women Overall State Rankings” (Washington: 2021), available at
  7. National Women’s Law Center, “Women and the Minimum Wage, State by State” (Washington: 2021), available at
  8. Ibid.
  9. Ibid.
  10. Ibid.
  11. National Women’s Law Center, “Women in Tipped Occupations, State by State” (Washington: 2021), available at
  12. See supplemental tables with data by state at Economic Policy Institute, “Raising the federal minimum wage to $15 by 2025 would lift the pay of 32 million workers” (Washington: 2021), available at
  13. Ibid.
  14. The authors calculated New Hampshire’s pregnancy-related mortality rate (PRMR) using the state’s reported number of pregnancy-related deaths in 2018 (two deaths). The PRMR was calculated by multiplying the state’s two deaths by 100,000 live births and dividing by the total number of live births in New Hampshire in 2018 (11,995). For pregnancy-related deaths in New Hampshire in 2018, see New Hampshire Division of Public Health Services, “Annual Report on Maternal Mortality to New Hampshire Health and Human Services Legislature Oversight Committee (Concord, NH: 2020), available at For the total number of live births in New Hampshire in 2018, see Joyce A. Martin and others, “National Vital Statistics Reports,” National Vital Statistics System 16 (3) (2019), Table 6, available at
  15. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Pregnancy Mortality Surveillance System,” available at (last accessed July 2021).
  16. Andis Robeznieks, “Examining the Black U.S. maternal mortality rate and how to cute it,” American Medical Association, May 24, 2021, available at
  17. Katharine Q. Seelye, “New Mothers Derailed by Drugs Find Support in New Hampshire Home,” The New York Times, December 11, 2016, available at
  18. Jennifer J. Frost, Lori Frohwirth, and Mia R. Zolna, “Contraceptive Needs and Services, 2014 Update” (New York: Guttmacher Institute, 2014), Table 3 and Table 6, available at
  19. Power to Decide, “Birth Control Access,” available at,in%20need%20of%20publicly%20funded (last accessed June 2021).
  20. C. I. Fowler and others, “Family Planning Annual Report: 2019 National Summary” (Washington: U.S. Office of Population Affairs, 2020), Exhibit B-1, available at; C. I. Fowler and others, “Family Planning Annual Report: 2016 National Summary” (Washington: U.S. Office of Population Affairs, 2017), Exhibit B-1, available at
  21. Mia Zolna, Sean Finn, and Jennifer Frost, “Memorandum: Estimating the impact of changes in the Title X network on patient capacity,” Guttmacher Institute, February 5, 2020, available at
  22. National Family Planning & Reproductive Health Association, “Title X’s Role: New Hampshire” (Washington: 2020), available at
  23. Guttmacher Institute, “State Facts About Abortion: New Hampshire” (New York: 2021), available at
  24. Ibid.
  25. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, “National Compensation Survey: Employee Benefits in the United States, Table 31. Leave benefits: Access, private industry workers, March 2020” (Washington: 2020), p. 299, available at
  26. Sarah Jane Glynn, “Coronavirus Paid Leave Exemptions Exclude Millions of Workers From Coverage,” Center for American Progress, April 17, 2020, available at
  27. Ibid.
  28. National Women’s Law Center, “Collateral Damage: Scheduling Challenges for Workers in Low-Wage Jobs and Their Consequences” (Washington: 2020), available at
  29. Lonnie Golden, “Irregular Work Scheduling and Its Consequences” (Washington: Economic Policy Institute, 2015), available at
  30. Ibid.
  31. Katherine Gallagher Robbins and Shirin Arslan, “Schedules That Work for Working Families,” Center for American Progress, December 18, 2017, available at
  32. Diana Boesch, “Quick Facts on Paid Family and Medical Leave,” Center for American Progress, February 5, 2020, available at
  33. National Partnership for Women and Families, “Paid Leave Means A Stronger New Hampshire” (Washington: 2021), available at
  34. Ibid.
  35. Scott Brown and others, “Employee and Worksite Perspectives of the Family and Medical Leave Act: Results from the 2018 Surveys” (Rockville, MD: Abt Associates, 2020), available at
  36. Ibid.
  37. Center for American Progress, “Early Learning Factsheet 2019: New Hampshire” (Washington: 2019), available at
  38. Ibid.
  39. Ibid.
  40. Ibid. For national data, where 40 percent of 4-year-olds are enrolled in public preschool—state pre-K programs and Head Start—see, Allison H. Friedman-Krauss and others, “The State of Preschool 2018: State Preschool Yearbook” (New Brunswick, NJ: National Institute for Early Education Research, 2019), available at
  41. Center for American Progress, “Early Learning Factsheet 2019: New Hampshire.” See also, Rasheed Malik and others, “America’s Child Care Deserts in 2018” (Washington: Center for American Progress, 2018), available at
  42. Jocelyn Frye, “From Politics to Policy: Turning the Corner on Sexual Harassment,” Center for American Progress, January 31, 2018, available at
  43. “Contact sexual violence includes rape, being made to penetrate someone else, sexual coercion, and/or unwanted sexual contact.” See Sharon G. Smith and others, “The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey: 2010–2012 State Report” (Atlanta: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2017), Table 3.9, available at Noncontact unwanted sexual experiences include harassment, unwanted exposure to sexual body parts or making a victim show their body parts, and/or making a victim look at or participate in sexual photos or movies. See Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Preventing Sexual Violence,” available at (last accessed August 2021).
  44. Chai R. Feldblum and Victoria A. Lipnic, “Select Task Force on the Study of Harassment in the Workplace” (Washington: U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, 2016), available at
  45. Smith and others, “The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey,” Table 5.7.
  46. Asha DuMonthier and Malore Dusenbery, “Intersections of Domestic Violence and Economic Security” (Washington: Institute for Women’s Policy Research, 2016), available at
  47. Angela Hanks, “Ban the Box and Beyond: Ensuring Individuals with a Criminal Record Have Access to the Labor Market” (Washington: Center for American Progress, 2017), available at
  48. Ibid.
  49. E. Ann Carson, “Prisoners in 2019” (Washington: U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2020), Table 7, available at
  50. Ibid., Table 2.
  51. Wendy Sawyer, “The Gender Divide: Tracking Women’s state Prison Growth,” Prison Policy Initiative, January 9, 2018, available at
  52. U.S. Office of the Inspector General, “Review of the Federal Bureau of Prisons’ Management of Its Female Inmate Population” (Washington: 2018), available at
  53. U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, “Women in Prison: Seeking Justice Behind Bars” (Washington: 2020), available at
  54. Khala James, “Upholding the Dignity of Incarcerated Women,” Center for American Progress, December 22, 2017, available at
  55. Reflective Democracy Campaign, “The Electability Myth: The Shifting Demographics of Political Power in America” (2019), available at
  56. U.S. Census Bureau, “QuickFacts: New Hampshire,” available at (last accessed June 2021).
  57. See downloadable data set, “2019 Elected Officials – Summary,” in Reflective Democracy Campaign, “The Electability Myth.”
  58. Authors’ findings are based on analysis of the New Hampshire population by sex, race, and ethnicity, using data from Steven Ruggles and others, “Integrated Public Use Microdata Series, U.S. Census Data for Social, Economic, and Health Research, 2015-2019 American Community Survey: 5-year estimates: Version 10.0” (Minneapolis: Minnesota Population Center, 2021), available at
  59. See downloadable data set, “2019 Elected Officials – Summary.” Reflective Democracy Campaign, “The Electability Myth.”

The positions of American Progress, and our policy experts, are independent, and the findings and conclusions presented are those of American Progress alone. A full list of supporters is available here. American Progress would like to acknowledge the many generous supporters who make our work possible.


Diana Boesch

Policy Analyst, Women’s Economic Security

Carolyn Sabini