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This Week
  • Close Guantanamo, Don't Move It, Ken Gude
  • Mr. Clinton Goes to Pyongyang, Nina Hachigian
  • Understanding Moscow, Eugene Rumer
  • Next Steps with Turkey, Marc Grossman
Expert Commentary
  • Relations with U.S. and Iran Not Mutually Exclusive, Lawrence Korb
  • Russians React to Biden Remarks, Sam Charap
  • Administration Debates Darfur Policy, John Prendergast
This Week

Ken Gude, "Close Guantanamo, Don't Move It," The Guardian Comment is Free, August 4, 2009
More than six months into its self-imposed one-year timeline for closing the prison at Guantánamo Bay, the Obama administration finds itself in an increasingly tight box. Still grasping for answers to admittedly difficult problems, it has now floated the idea of transferring the detainees to a multi-tiered facility inside the United States. The sketchy plan outlined in reports by the Washington Post and the Associated Press would have some improvements on the situation Barack Obama inherited. But moving the location of the Guantánamo prison within an arbitrary timeline is secondary to correcting the serious errors of Bush-era detention policy. And the ideas offered by the Obama administration so far have fallen short of that objective.

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Nina Hachigian, "Mr. Clinton Goes to Pyongyang," WorldFocus, August 4, 2009
Those who have complained that Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has too many envoys are going to have a field day with this. But the decision to send former President Bill Clinton to Pyongyang to try to negotiate the release of the two Americans held there, Euna Lee and Laura Ling, is a smart move.

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Eugene Rumer, "Understanding Moscow," Middle East Bulletin interview, August 4, 2009
[O]ne of the major issues in Russian foreign policy has been to regain recognition as a major power; with not just a marginal voice in international affairs, but a real vote and a real veto. To be a party that other major powers, namely the United States, come to in order to consult when they want to address major issues on the international agenda. Clearly, the Middle East is one of those all-consuming issues for the United States and for the European Union, as well as increasingly for China and other countries. ... [T]his presence as a major power does not occur in a vacuum. Russia has commercial and economic interests. And this cuts in two ways. One, Russia is an oil exporter and a gas exporter. ... The other, of course, is arms sales.

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Marc Grossman, "Next Steps with Turkey," Middle East Bulletin interview, August 4, 2009
The President's speech was well received, but the Administration still has a job to do with Turkey. That job encompasses several areas. Crucial is a continuing commitment by this administration to follow on the efforts made by previous administrations to visibly and effectively help Turkey fight the PKK. ... Important also are the administration's efforts to promote progress in the Middle East, and here what Special Envoy George Mitchell is doing is very important. Third, America should strongly support the Nabucco pipeline. ... Finally, as President Obama did in his speech ... is to continue strongly to support Turkish membership in the European Union; not half membership or three-quarters membership, but full membership. One other important thing: Turkish leaders need to speak out in favor of the U.S.-Turkish relationship.

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Expert Commentary

Stars & Stripes - Lawrence Korb says that the Iraqi government's crackdown on the Mujahadeen-e-Khalq is part of a larger effort to repair relations with Iran: "They’re going to have strong ties to Iran, but that doesn’t mean they don’t care about the U.S. anymore ... Most of the governments in that region do have a good relationship with Iran. It doesn’t have to be a mutually exclusive thing."

Real Clear World - Samuel Charap analyzes recent remarks by Vice President Biden on Russia's status as a great power: "This is a major topic of discussion among [Russian] elites ... They're wondering if it's calculated or a change in official U.S. policy."

Washington Times - Enough project co-founder John Prendergast  notes the internal debate in the Obama administration over policy towards Sudan: "We have some pretty significant actors inside the administration who have very different views about whether robust engagement is backed principally by pressures or backed principally by incentives."


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