Think Again: The Best Things in Life Are Free...
As any self-respecting “insider” is aware, along with April Fools and cherry blossoms—once every four years, at least—come the numbers for campaign cash raised by would-be presidents. In many ways, it’sOne would have a pretty difficult time coming up with why
being good at raising cash from wealthy people is an important skill-set for a
future president. Yet even raising this question is somehow considered bad
manners during the campaign process.
Amazingly—to this observer anyway—reporters take little
interest in how candidates inspire people just to give them money. It’s not as
if people, particularly industry lobbyists, do this for everyone. And yet as The Washington Post’s Chris Cilizza argues “History
has taught that where money comes from doesn’t matter all that much.” (I don’t
know what “history” Clizza has in mind, but it sure as hell wasn’t in any
course I studied getting my doctorate in the American kind.)
Yet this week’s news stories reflect Cilizza’s conventional wisdom. The Politico, the fledging political
daily which seems to find itself amidst a journalistic contretemps every other
week, leads off with “Money Figures
Trouble For McCain, GOP,” which looks at how the less-than-expected
fundraising of John McCain and the about-what-was-expected fundraising of
Hillary Clinton undercut the campaign narratives...that the media created for
them months ago:
“The first-quarter presidential fundraising reports offer several insights into
the race, but perhaps the most intriguing are: John McCain is faltering as the
perceived Republican front-runner, and Hillary Rodham Clinton’s campaign isn’t
the juggernaut that her Democratic opponents feared.”
Even odder, or more difficult to decipher, are the reporters who write articles
about fundraising numbers that include as explanation of why the fundraising
numbers aren’t important. Most of the articles, including by The Politico’s Liz Sidoti’s from The Washington Post, include a paragraph
like
this one:
“As history has shown, an early advantage doesn’t always make for a party’s
nominee or a White House winner...Republican Phil Gramm of Texas brought in $8.7
million in 1995, while Democrat Al Gore of Tennessee collected $8.9 million in
1999. Gramm dropped out of the race before
Actually, he won, but leave that aside for a moment. Other examples worth
remembering are John Edwards’ 2003 primary campaign, where he gathered more
funding than any other democratic candidate, or Howard Dean’s record-setting
netroots-fueled $40 million failure in
Walter Shapiro, writing at Salon, also noted hat the money isn’t
the only—or most—important thing for a presidential campaign:
“Despite the likely breathless tenor of dollar-derby coverage this week, money
is not necessarily conclusive in presidential politics. In that sense, the race
for the White House is like the other national pastime—baseball—where the New
York Yankees have not been to the World Series since 2000, despite having a
payroll 50 percent larger than that of their nearest rival, the Boston Red Sox.
Mayer posits the ‘Parkinson’s Law of Campaigns,’ which he defines as ‘If you
have money, you will spend it, whether it helps or not.’”
Writing in The L.A. Times, Michael
Finnigan’s puts his finger on one of the most
significant problems here:
“It was plain to see one recent morning why Mike Huckabee
would bemoan the primacy of fame and money in presidential politics: Not a
single TV crew trekked to the Pottawattamie County veterans hall where the
Republican White House contender was making his pitch to a roomful of Iowans
eating doughnuts and sipping coffee from foam cups...[A] dearth of money and fame
poses huge obstacles for Huckabee and others struggling to break into the top
tier of Republicans running for president.”
True, money and fame help a campaign. But remember Dean again—another
small-state Governor who nobody knew, but whose message attracted notoriety and
cash; ditto Jimmy Carter before him. Offering such candidates a fair hearing in
the public sphere is part of the process—and it’s the media’s job to do that. Time magazine’s National Political
Correspondent, Karen Tumulty, offered up some welcome self-accountability
on her blog and realized that maybe the issues do matter.
“In this very accelerated political season with its very large field of
candidates, the media seem to be getting ahead of the voters. What’s the hurry,
10 months before the first caucus, to winnow the field to a few candidates
deemed viable—say, three at most from each party? With fewer moving parts, this
very big story can assume a shape and a narrative that begins to look familiar
and understandable. But in the process of writing that story, are we missing
the real one?...still largely unaddressed, by the way, are any substantive differences
that these candidates might have on actual issues.”
Over at Columbia Journalism Review Daily,
Edward Colby references Tumutly’s blog and makes a
case for real reporting:
“2008 is supposed to be the most ‘wide open’ presidential race Americans have
seen in eighty years. This election is of crucial importance—the winner will
have to deal with
Korea
Hear hear! And by the way...what the heck ever happened to campaign finance
reform? Remember, none of this fundraising would be necessary if Congress had
been willing to pass that part of the McCain-Feingold legislation that would
have required local stations to charge candidates their lowest rates for
political commercials. Like every issue that deals with media companies flexing
their power, that one got almost no coverage.
Former activist on this issue, Mark Schmitt, writes
on TPMCafe that “the most fundamental problem to be addressed in American
politics is the extent to which radical economic inequality reinforces and in
turn is reinforced by inequality in the political system.” Schmitt wants
campaign finance reformers to focus on empowering the public to be a more
effective voice in politics rather than harping on corruption and private
money. There’s a vigorous debate over there on the topic, but alas, it’s one
that doesn’t seem to interest mainstream reporters.
As Mike Huckabee said in The L.A. Times,
“If money and celebrity are the criteria to elect a president, then we can
elect Paris Hilton.”
Eric Alterman is a Senior Fellow of the
Center for American Progress and the author of six books. His popular blog,
“Altercation,” has moved from MSNBC.com to Media Matters. The new URL is
http://mediamatters.org/altercation/.
Research assistance: Tim Fernholz
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