Samuel R. Berger's Closing Remarks at the America in the World Conference

Five Challenges for a New President

June 12, 2007

It has been a rich day of thought and discussion, and I want to commend the Center for American Progress and The Century Foundation for putting together such a full and timely symposium.

Let me offer some closing remarks on what I believe will be the greatest national security challenges that will be faced by a new president – whoever he or she is – the most daunting set of challenges to be faced by any new president since at least FDR, if not Abraham Lincoln.  These thoughts reflect many of the themes and ideas that we have heard during the day.  

The first challenge is restoring respect and support for U.S. global leadership.

Virtually every problem the United States confronts today requires the active cooperation of partners around the world.  And cooperation for the common good doesn’t just happen; it takes leadership to pull it together.  

The United States is uniquely well-placed to assume that leadership role, by virtue of our military, economic, and political strength, and the enduring appeal of our values.  

But we can’t compel other nations to follow.  To lead, we must inspire.  And to do that, we need to replenish the moral authority that has been lost over the past 6 years... squandered in part through America’s misadventure in Iraq... in part through neglect of our allies and disregard for international norms... in part by having walked away from the global community’s common agenda – the Kyoto Treaty, the International Criminal Court, toughening the Biological Weapons Convention... and in part through our failure to lead on the issues that matter most to the most of the world – things like promoting peace, protecting the environment, and combating global poverty.  In many places in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, we simply are absent – not so much despised as irrelevant.

It is obscene that today more than 800 million people are starving in a world of plenty... and that for want of access to basic maternal and neonatal care, 4 million babies die each year before they are one month old – the equivalent of all the children born in the United States each year.  The Bush administration has increased U.S. foreign assistance, especially for fighting diseases like AIDS.  But even with these new resources, when you look at what our nation gives as a percentage of what we can afford, the United States remains one of the stingiest donors in the developed world – even as we spend hundreds of billions on a misguided war in Iraq.

I believe that restoring respect for American leadership must be a new president’s paramount priority.  Doing so will require an enlightened definition of self-interest – one that takes into account the needs and perspectives of others, and recognizes that America must be a part of – not apart from -- the world community.  

The second challenge is combating the threat of jihadist extremism.

For the past six years, we have met this challenge with the tools and terminology of war.  In the process, we have played straight into al Qaeda’s self-serving narrative of an imperialist, anti-Islamic America.  

Clearly, Iraq is likely to be a challenge for the next president regardless of what happens between now and then.  But Iraq was not a hotbed of terrorism until we made it so.

When it comes to jihadist extremism, our nation needs to implement a smarter strategy:  one that intensifies the intelligence, policing, and internal security measures that will root out terrorist cells – but also denies al Qaeda and their ilk the fertile climate in which to grow.

Such a strategy means working with our friends to advance an empowerment agenda in the Muslim world — helping create opportunity societies, where young people choose life over death.  We cannot force democracy down the throats of the people of the Middle East, but we can support those throughout the region who are trying to reconcile tradition and modernization, globalization and religion.  

In so doing, we can cut off the oxygen the terrorists need to survive – the tolerance of neighbors and fellow citizens who see no better alternative.  And in combination with our broader effort to champion humanity’s common agenda, we can reframe the post-September 11 narrative -- with the extremists isolated, instead of us.

The third challenge is halting the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.

For a time, it seemed as though history’s pendulum was swinging against nuclear weapons, as countries from Brazil to South Africa to Ukraine gave up their weapons programs.  But today, I fear the threat of a nuclear nightmare is growing more real – as political rivals in volatile regions try to match each others’ efforts... as rogue nations like North Korea and Iran move forward with dangerous nuclear programs... as the failure to secure fissile material in the former Soviet Union and elsewhere leaves open the door to theft or sale to terrorists and criminals... and as the growing spread of nuclear weapons and technologies increases the risk of deadly mistakes.  

We need a comprehensive strategy to deal with this urgent threat – one that focuses on securing materials... restoring the NPT based on a new bargain with civilian nuclear powers... hard-nosed diplomacy with Iran and North Korea to end their nuclear programs... and bold new moves by the nuclear powers – along the lines of what Bill Perry, George Shultz, and others have proposed – to reduce the size of our own nuclear arsenals.   

The fourth challenge is managing China’s rising power on the global stage.

The scope of China’s transformation is nothing short of stunning -- economic growth that has averaged almost 10 percent for the last three decades... hundreds of millions of Chinese citizens lifted from poverty... and foreign direct investment flows that rival the United States.  And as all of you know, America’s trade with China has exploded:  Today, Wal-Mart alone buys more from Chinese suppliers than does Australia, Canada, or Russia.  

But with China’s growing economic weight has come its growing influence in multiple dimensions of global affairs – military, diplomatic, political, and even to some degree values.  And I am concerned that we haven’t yet built the broad economic and political arrangements to manage this increasingly high-stakes relationship.  

Certainly, we must hold China to their rightful economic and political obligations – from enforcing intellectual property rights to ending their coddling of Sudan.  But if, more broadly, we create the perception that we are treating China like an emerging enemy, we will create a self-fulfilling prophecy.   And as a result, we may find a world where American influence is eroding, our role as a balancing wheel for traditional rivalries in Asia diminishes, and our economic and political interests suffer.  

Finally, the next president must, deal with the challenge of energy and climate change – a topic the CAP, and this morning’s panel, have addressed in great detail.

Put simply, our excessive dependence on oil presents a dual threat: it leaves us hostage to supplier states who may not share our interests or values, and it adds to the global warming trends that are jeopardizing life on this planet.

If we can reduce the need for hydrocarbons... and diversify the kinds and sources of our energy supply... it would be a big national security win and potentially an economic boon as well for the United States.  This challenge will demand participation from every element of our society – government, the private sector, and the American people.  And it will also require deft and respectful U.S. diplomacy toward developing nations, recognizing that they must share in the task, but in a way that enables them to grow and not be forced inordinately to shoulder the burden of our mistakes.

Which brings me back to where I began – the need to restore America’s moral authority.  That is the keystone on which our progress on all the other challenges must rest.

I’ll never forget at the end of the Clinton Administration when we went to Camp David for one last try at forging a Middle East peace.  We didn’t know whether or not we’d succeed.  But we were determined to give it everything we had.  And as we flew to Camp David for what was sure to be a difficult summit, the president said, “We’re going to make peace happen... or at least we’re going to get caught trying.”  

It’s time for America to get caught trying to be a global leader again – a global leader that is as caring as it is strong... as humble as it is resolute... and as good as it is great.  

Being with all of you... and hearing the day’s inspiring discussions... I’m confident we can.

Thank you.